Some maladjustments exist in all living, functioning cultural systems, even the most isolated and the most stable. This is merely to say that no cultural system (other than Utopia) is perfect. The possibilities of maladjustment or imperfect function rise with the increased size and complexity of a culture. Modern complex sociocultural systems or civilizations are therefore much more liable to suffer the difficulties of maladjustment than were the primitive and folk systems that preceded them, even in the same territory. Not only do modern systems contain more custom-patterns and institutions in absolute numbers, but they involve numerous subcultures and specialties serving the many differentiated groupings and categories that make up a modern society. Furthermore, all modern systems are in process of rapid change for they are in close and rapid contact with the constant flow of innovations from other modern systems.

Nieto de Vicente López y Planes, el del Himno; hijo de Vicente Fidel López, el de la Historia; ahijado de bautismo de Esteban Echeverría, el del Dogma Social; ahijado de tesis doctoral de Juan María Gutiérrez, el polígrafo; redactor de El Nacional bajo la inspiración de Sarmiento; compañero de Aristóbulo del Valle en la fundación del Partido Republicano, fue elegido diputado nacional en 1880, pero su diploma, objetado por estimársele extranjero, pasó al estudio de una comisión parlamentaria y no se expidió nunca …

En efecto ¡era extranjero! como Bartolito Mitre, como Miguel Cañé. Nació en Montevideo, durante el ostracismo de su padre, el 13 de diciembre — por eso llevaba el nombre de Lucio — de 1848. Su familia vino a Buenos Aires después de Caseros, pero volvió a Montevideo cuando hizo crisis el conflicto de la Confederación con el Estado desconforme con el Acuerdo. Lucio fue estudiante “entristecido”, lector nocturno de Dumas, capaz de escuchar en la noche del desvelo las espuelas de D'Artagnan. Regresó a Buenos Aires para seguir la carrera de abogado bajo la égida de Gutiérrez, del que fue luego secretario en la Universidad. Se vinculó con la juventud “autonomista” y fue compañero de Cañé, Ramos Mejía, Pellegrini, Gallo, Del Valle, Sáenz Peña, con los que hizo periodismo y tertulió largamente.

Es indudable que toda literatura, como esta del género narrativo o de ficción, del cuento o del relato, cuando de estudiarla se trata, lo primero que impone es la fijación de su aparecimiento y el curso de su desarrollo.

Así como la vieja “patraña” se basaba en los equívocos, o las “farsas” en la acentuación de lo grotesco, y tenían sus formas y cualidades peculiares de ser tratadas, así también el cuento, relato, narración o novela breve, tienen fijados sus moldes más o menos generales, desde las viejas leyendas persas, hasta las ya más sólidas creaciones de Mateo Bandello o de la propia “novella” toscana, que tanta influencia tuvo desde la novelística renacentista hasta nuestros días.

Of all the generalizations about Chile, those dealing with geography are the most accurate. Geographical facts have given shape and character to Chilean life and Chilean problems. Nature gave the heart of Chile patches of excellent soil and a climate kind to man. But this central valley is isolated, bounded on the north by desert, the east by towering mountains, the west by a cold and tempestuous ocean, and the south by the end of the world. Ownership of the land has been the keystone of Chilean history, and the fertile land is in the core region of the nation. There, in Mediterranean Chile, live three-quarters of the nation's population, there resides the political power in a unitary republic in which the president appoints provincial governors and there are no provincial assemblies, there are owned and managed the enterprises of north and south.

Harto conocido es aquel episodio de la vida del Manco Genial cuando, cesante de las nada agradables y poco lucrativas faenas de proveedor de la real armada y viendo que en la patria no le era dado alcanzar empleo de alguna sustancia, solicitó muy rendidamente del Consejo de Indias le fuese otorgado cualesquiera de los cuatro oficios que a la sazón se hallaban vacantes en las colonias de América: La contaduría del Nuevo Reino de Granada, la gobernación de la provincia de Soconusco, la contaduría de galeras en Cartagena o el corregimiento de la ciudad de La Paz. Aunque grandes los méritos del solicitante y nada pingües los empleos a que aspiraba, los respingados señores de aquel consejo respondieron a la petición con una negativa terminante, en proveído de cortas letras, con sus puntas y ribetes de amarga ironía, que el licenciado Núñez Morquecho se encargó de suscribir, a nombre de sus colegas: Busque por acá en que se le haga merced.

Of the men who helped to shape the destiny of Ecuador in the nineteenth century, two are outstanding. Both are enigmatic, and both appear to be contradictions to the normal pattern of behavior for their time and place. Gabriel Garcia Moreno as holder of the highest civil office of Ecuador held sway over the life and politics of the nation for nearly two decades. Federico González Suárez, who toward the end of his career was to hold the highest office the Church could bestow in Ecuador, was to have a more subtle influence as an historian.

Garcia Moreno, as civilian dictator, developed the cult of the Church to the highest degree by means of a concordat with the Vatican, and by dedicating the nation to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. For González Suárez, although a clergyman, the patria came first and religion second. If Garcia Moreno saw in the Church and Jesus Christ the only salvation for the nation, González Suárez was willing to point out the weaknesses, inadequacies, and scandalous acts of which the Church and monastic orders had been guilty.

To understand the social revolution in Cuba today one must be at once anthropologist, historian, sociologist, political scientist, scientist, economist, writer, philosopher, and something of a rebel oneself. In other words, one must be a Universal Man. Who of us today, however, would pretend to such all-encompassing knowledge? The Cuban Revolution in the nineteenth century, however, did produce such a man, José Martí. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that such a man produced the Revolution, at least in the sense that Marti was the main publicist for the revolutionary Cuban exiles, co-ordinator of the emigrant groups, money collector, and author of its major political documents.

Although Marti ranks with Simón Bolívar and José de San Martín as a liberator, he is relatively unknown in the United States. Yet his collected works fill seventy-four volumes. One bibliography lists over 10,000 items, including more than a hundred books and more than 200 monographs written about him. Marti was first and last a revolutionist, but he was also a poet, one of the best, and highly praised by such authorities as Gabriela Mistral, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno, Fernando de los Ríos, Rufino Blanco Fombona, and Amado Nervo.

At every recent session of the United States Congress foreign aid has been debated, criticized, and eventually enacted into law. Unfortunately, results of the foreign aid program have been less miraculous than its proponents anticipated. Instead of free, happy and productive allies, we find that discontented, disappointed and even resentful nations are recipients of U. S. “foreign aid.”

The frustrations and failures inherent in a governmental foreign aid program were publicized by the best-selling polemic, The Ugly American. The authors insisted that much of the trouble with foreign aid was to be found in the naïvete of its originators, the ignorance and incompetence of its administrators, and the general insensitivity of Americans toward peoples of other lands. The indictment provoked angry denials from advocates of foreign aid, and managed to obscure the positive achievements of two decades of assistance by the United States government to many countries where ignorance, poverty and disease were considered to be ineradicable.

The European pattern of economic integration has found expression in the Western Hemisphere in three politically divergent, widelyseparated regional groupings. One such group is the now-defunct West Indies Federation, a rearrangement of the remaining bits and pieces of British colonialism in the Caribbean region. Another is the Latin American Free Trade Association, straddling gaps from Mexico to Argentina, which appears to be a superficial bid for economic affinity among the more developed Latin American nations. But the most vigorous approach to regional economic integration is being pursued by the Organization for the Economic Development of Central America, which boldly proposes to weld at least five individually inefficient, insufferably nationalistic entities into one productive effort capable of initiating and sustaining economic take-off. Thus, in Central America, regional integration is being enforced even before national identity has fully emerged.

When Franklin D. Roosevelt, as apostle of the Good Neighbor policy, appointed Josephus Daniels Ambassador to Mexico in 1933, the President was highly vulnerable to the charge of not practicing what he preached. At the very least, many Mexicans wondered at the obtuseness of the Yanqui in appointing as ambassador a man who had ordered the invasion of Veracruz in 1914. In that year, Secretary of the Navy Daniels had indeed been the “aggressor,” and his Assistant Secretary at the time had been none other than Franklin D. Roosevelt. How could the norteamericanos be so incredibly callous? As it happens, by 1933, Roosevelt and Daniels had to have the Veracruz incident recalled to them, incredible, in turn, as that may seem. If they had “forgotten” Veracruz, assuredly the Mexican people had not.

A history of the Jews in Mexico from 1521 to the present has never been written in any language. Few have written on any aspect of the life of the Mexican Jews during the colonial period. What little has been written has concentrated upon the life and family of the conquistador and Gobernador, don Luis Carvajal y de la Cueva (1539-1590) and one other Jew, Tomas Treviño de Sobremonte, who was burned alive in the Grand Auto de Fé of April 11, 1649.

The focusing of attention on the Carvajals has obscured the fact that Jews had preceded them into Mexico by 60 years and that Jews have inhabited Mexico uninterruptedly since 1521. Little note has been made of the fact that Jews had been victims of the Inquisition prior to 1590. The historian's task of gleaning information from documents and people usually results in an interpretation colored by his own background, scholarship, economic status, conviction and even religion. We submit the following as a clear example of the foregoing.