This article evaluates statutory provisions and case law regarding a mortgagee's rights to exercise its statutory power of sale over the matrimonial home in Nigeria. It reveals that no statute protects the rights of family members, particularly wives and children, in the mortgaged home. The mortgagee must grapple with the reality of ownership, as wives often resort to litigation to set aside sales, on the ground that they are joint owners with their husbands. Ironically, some Supreme Court decisions, while protecting the interests of other family members (contrary to the established principles of property law), have tended to ignore the mortgagee's power of sale over the mortgaged matrimonial home, thus making it unattractive to lending institutions as collateral. This article recommends that all parties’ interests should be set out in a legal framework, as in England, where a non-owning spouse's right of occupation must be registered with the land registry.

Prior to the inception of the Employees’ Compensation Act 2010 (“ECA”), the workers’ compensation system in Nigeria was governed by the Workmen's Compensation Act 1987 (Cap W6 LFN 2004) (“WCA”). The WCA failed to provide an adequate compensation regime for employees, notwithstanding the fact that payment of compensation stems from the employer's duty of care to the employee. Though an employer may be liable for injury, whether physical or mental, sustained by an employee, the WCA, among other things, had no provision for mental stress claims. Neither was the mental health of employees contemplated under its regime. The ECA has sought to close this gap by the provisions of its section 8. Using a comparative perspective, this article examines the dynamics as well as the challenges of applying section 8 of the ECA in the overall interest of the legal system and the labour environment.

Section 159 of the South African Companies Act 71 of 2008 regulates corporate whistleblowing in companies registered under the act. This article critically evaluates section 159 to ascertain whether it adequately protects and encourages corporate whistleblowers. It compares this section with the whistleblower provisions in the Australian Corporations Act 2001, which have strongly influenced section 159 and which were recently reformed, and argues that in the light of the distressing levels of corporate corruption, the low reporting rates of wrongdoing and the widespread victimization of whistleblowers, there is a pronounced need to protect corporate whistleblowers in South Africa. It contends that section 159 does not go far enough in protecting and encouraging corporate whistleblowers, and calls for numerous important reforms to be urgently made.

Botswana's Trade Disputes Act was enacted to provide for a settlement of trade disputes by the Commissioner of Labour, mediators and arbitrators and for the establishment of the Industrial Court as a court of law and equity. Mediators therefore play a critical role in the resolution of trade disputes within Botswana's labour law framework, and while their role is facilitative, their contribution to the trajectory of resolving labour disputes is significant. This article analyses the form of mediation envisaged under the act, and the mediator's role and powers. It further considers circumstances under and the extent to which the Industrial Court may intervene in the decisions of mediators.

Protests play a significant role in the political, economic, social and cultural life of our societies. Protests have repeatedly motivated positive social change. Through protesting, individuals and groups express disagreement, opinions and objections to government actions or inactions. Protests bring attention to errors in governance and demand their rectification. The right to peaceful protest is protected under the international and African regional human rights frameworks, including the Nigerian Constitution. In Nigeria, the Public Order Act is designed to support the appropriate and peaceful conduct of peaceful assemblies (protests), meetings and processions. Yet the Nigerian government does not respect the right to peaceful protest, particularly in the case of protests against the government. This can be seen in recent protests against Nigeria's notorious Special Anti-Robbery Squad. This article examines the context of the application of the right to peaceful protest in Nigeria in view of the recent #EndSARS protests.

Morocco's Competition Council has undergone major reform since 2011. New legislation has elevated the Council from its former role as a consultative authority to an independent, financially autonomous, decision-making authority. Despite these changes, however, many questions have been raised with regard to the Council's independence, and its duty to monitor and enforce free and fair competition, as well as the sufficiency of the guarantees concerning the statutory impartiality and powers that enable the Council to fulfil its mandate independently. The Council's independence merits discussion in the debate on the optimal implementation of a competition authority, as it is relevant to good governance and the rule of law. To regulate competition effectively, it is essential that the competition regulator remains independent. However, within a democratic framework, the Council's independence must be balanced by parliamentary accountability and budgetary control.

In 2003, the Botswanan Court of Appeal decided in Kanane v The State that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation was not proscribed by the Botswanan Constitution because no evidence had been adduced showing that the society of Botswana was ready for gay individuals. After sixteen years, things changed: in 2019, in Letsweletse Motshidiemang and LEGABIBO (as amicus) v The Attorney General, the High Court held that the law criminalizing anal intercourse violated the fundamental rights of gay people. In 2021, the Court of Appeal upheld the High Court decision. This commentary briefly examines these three decisions. It argues that Kanane gave too much weight to public opinion to the detriment of constitutional interpretation. Through a robust approach to generous interpretation of fundamental rights, the Motshidiemang decisions partly remedied the flaw in Kanane. However, judicial clarification is still required on some aspects of the decision.

The act of whistleblowing is not common in Nigeria; this can be attributed to the cultural norms of Nigerian society where deference is paid to those in positions of power and it is often viewed as taboo to speak up against them. This problem of not speaking up is further compounded by the lack of robust whistleblowing legislation which protects whistleblowers from reprisals. The need to protect whistleblowers was brought to the forefront after the implementation in 2016 of the Nigerian stopgap policy on whistleblowing, leading to the Whistleblower Protection Bill proposed in 2019, legislation that seeks to provide wider protection to whistleblowers. This article examines this bill, identifying its limitations; it does not rehash previous scholarly debates about whether incentives are necessary, but rather focuses on bringing the Nigerian perspective to the fore, thus contributing to the existing literature in this area.