With the passage of the Climate Change Act, and to help meet its net zero obligations by 2060, Nigeria must transition from its dependence on fossil fuel energy sources to renewable energy. This will involve the procurement of large amounts of renewable energy by the government. In the past, procurement of power from the government-owned bulk trader has been chaotic, with no discernible strategy, and it is doubtful whether the government or Nigeria's citizens have derived value for money from the process. This article suggests a transition from the current, mostly unsolicited, proposal system to energy auctions, as the authors believe that this will help the country achieve low prices for renewable energy. The article also examines polices that have been implemented in other countries to drive energy auctions, with a view to applying relatable practices to the Nigerian exercise.

In this article, I carry out an in-depth conceptualization of right-to-development governance to illustrate how, as a rights-based model suited to redressing the challenges that have held Africa back over the decades, it can leverage and accelerate the processes for development on the continent. I do so to provide clarity on the deficits in the understanding of the right to development and the dilemma of its implementation in Africa. Through a theoretical and qualitative socio-legal analysis, I frame the argument that Africa's development setbacks are largely generated and sustained by the lack of an operational model that can drive transformation on the continent. Besides having evolved as a claimable human right, the right to development is equally conceived as a model or paradigm for development which is yet to be fully explored to inform development thinking and practice on the continent, and thus enable shared prosperity and improved quality of life and standards of living for the peoples of Africa. The proposed right-to-development governance model is appropriately theorized in this article to provide the basis for its operationalization, which, as explained, entails a nuanced blend of nominal capitalism, communitarian socialism and contemporary culturalism.

Appropriate Dispute Resolution (ADR) is rooted in Africa. However, this is not reflected in scholarship and practice. The last few decades have witnessed the supposed introduction of ADR in Africa, masquerading as an innovation imported from the USA and aiming to extend access to justice. This is a pure revisionism. While African communities rely on ADR to solve disputes, ADR epistemology has not developed in its scientific form. Hence, there is a dearth of literature on what emic unadulterated justice would look like in Africa. This article seeks to provide a framework for how to think about ADR in Africa by presenting five normative conceptions that are latent in African ADR: dispute avoidance; reconciliation; all-inclusive justice; consensus building; and matching disputes to the best process.

The conceptualization of a proper approach to patent law, as it relates to drug patents and access to medicines, remains contested. This article joins the discourse by positing that an application of the communitarian approach of ubuntu to the might of human rights is a useful framing for normalizing equity-based interventions and would help tilt the balance of power from a narrow profit-seeking imperative to one that prioritizes the public good. It contends that, while private entity ubuntu, corporate social responsibility or charity yield some positive results, they are inadequate and must be buttressed by the right to health, which entails access to the necessary diagnostics, therapeutics and medicine for all. The article argues against the predominant hegemony of current thought, which has so far not yielded meaningful and timely access, and advocates for a rethink of the possibilities of more just outcomes through more just processes.

This article delves into the doctrine of inherent powers within the Sudanese Civil Procedure Code, with a specific focus on its origin, nature and scope. It posits that this doctrine empowers the courts to undertake actions essential for fulfilling their duties and ensuring the pursuit of justice, even in instances where such powers are not explicitly granted to them under statutory provisions. Additionally, the article examines the potential advantages and disadvantages associated with inherent powers and contemplates whether their exercise might pose a threat to the rule of law. It also explores the arguments both in favour of and against the possibility of rule-making within the framework of these powers and the potential impact of such regulations on the administration of justice. The article asserts that while a court's inherent powers are indispensable for the efficient dispensation of justice, it is imperative that they are not wielded capriciously or arbitrarily. Instead, their exercise should be guided by the principles of equity and good conscience.

Certainty is a cornerstone of every criminal justice system. In instances where controversy arises as to the application of any law, it is essential for it to be addressed promptly. Contrary to this need for certainty, there is judicial ambiguity regarding the mens rea for the offence of attempted murder in Botswana. There are cases which hold that the mens rea required is a specific intention to kill, and that nothing else suffices. However, some cases hold that an intention to cause grievous harm and recklessness are also sufficient. Unfortunately, the Court of Appeal, the apex court in Botswana, has made decisions that support each of these divergent positions. This article addresses the controversy of the mens rea for attempted murder in Botswana and argues that the Court of Appeal should resolve the issue by specifically overruling some of its previous decisions.

The year 2022 marked 30 years since Tanzania re-adopted multiparty democracy in 1992. The number of women parliamentarians has increased from 16 per cent after the multiparty elections in 1995 to 37.4 per cent after the 2020 elections. However, a significant share of women parliamentarians emanates from the special seats system, while only a small share of women hold directly elected seats. For example, in 2023, while women account for 37.4 per cent of the Parliament, only 9.8 per cent were elected from constituencies. This article studies the legal challenges facing women's access to directly elected parliamentary seats in light of 30 years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania. It finds that the legal gaps related to candidacy age, political affiliation, the applicable electoral system, governance of political parties, violence against women in political and public life, campaign financing and challenges related to the implementation of the special seats system hinder women's access to elected parliamentary seats.

South African municipalities are entrusted to perform various functions, including providing basic services to communities. Recently, the auditor-general has raised concern about municipalities’ overall functionality and ability to fulfil their obligations. Municipalities’ service delivery failures have led to disputes between them and their communities. Moreover, South African courts have drawn attention to the impact of service delivery failures and described their catastrophic and devastating effects on communities and their local economies. In addition, it is said that the consequences of these municipal failures are more severe for the communities than any other stakeholder. For this reason, communities require legal options to resolve such disputes. This article puts forward two legal options (and potentially a third) to which communities can turn. The article examines mediation and structural interdicts and argues why these options are suitable methods for resolving disputes between a community and its municipality.

This article questions the justification for restricting political party membership as a condition for receiving political service retirement benefits in Ethiopia (a restriction first imposed through the Administration of the President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Proclamation and endorsed in the Rights and Benefits of Outgoing Heads of State and Government, Senior Government Officials, Members of Parliament and Judges Proclamation). After reviewing relevant law, literature and comparative experience from Kenya and Tanzania, the article argues that prohibiting political party membership without a pressing need for non-partisan service is an unjust restriction on the right to freedom of political party membership. Benefits for retiring high-ranking government officials are part of the right to social security and should not be disallowed based on political party membership.

The Wills Act 1971 and the Intestate Succession Act 1985 embody commorientes rules that are inconsistent, unfair to one of the deceased persons and arguably undermine the expectations of Ghanaians. While the former presumes that a testator predeceases a beneficiary, the latter presumes that the older spouse died before the younger. Though these presumptions are essential for establishing entitlement to property, it would seem that they work to the advantage of one of the parties and to the detriment of the other. Accordingly, the commorientes rules must be modified to include presumptions that are equitable and consistent with the socio-cultural expectations of Ghanaians. This can be achieved by resorting primarily to expectations regarding succession at customary law.

This article presents a critical analysis of whether South African courts employ established theoretical concepts to delineate the boundaries between custom and customary law. To facilitate a comprehensive understanding, the article begins by providing an overview of the South African legal system, laying the groundwork for the subsequent discussion. The article then delves into prominent theories that address the differentiation between custom and customary law, providing a succinct summary of each. Finally, the article examines the degree to which these theories have been embraced by the courts. Notably, the article uncovers the courts’ emphasis on factors such as certainty and the protection of human rights when deciding whether to apply customary law, rather than relying solely on the distinction between custom and customary law.

Women experience climate change in different ways to men and are often disproportionately affected, highlighting the need for gender-focused climate initiatives. Strengthening laws and policies to address women's and gender issues is one way forward. Yet, less research attention has been given to women and gender in climate change law than in other issues. This article seeks to advance the field by exploring the relevant law, policy and governance commitments made by all African nations under the Paris Agreement. The findings indicate that most African nations include some gender-related commitments, but only a few include detailed legal initiatives ready for implementation. These more detailed initiatives are synthesized to identify a toolbox of options, which are then applied to Tanzania as a case study. This article contributes to the literature by comprehensively analysing the African climate change commitments and by making tangible recommendations for Tanzania.

A “sink or swim” approach has been considered the only way to learn how to conduct empirical research; this should not be the case. Empirical research can be challenging for methodological, practical and ethical reasons; thus there should be detailed and systematic reporting on the methodology adopted. The absence of studies documenting the experiences of researching law implies that important lessons gained by one cohort are not readily accessible in a systematic way for the next. This article presents the methodology of research that was conducted in a conflict area in Nigeria during the pandemic; it aims to provide detailed reporting on the research and highlight the challenges. It offers lessons to future researchers undertaking socio-legal research in a conflict zone, during a pandemic or both. It contributes to the body of knowledge that presents not just what is being done in legal research but how, in order to develop “robust and cumulative scholarly traditions”.

On 25 October 2021, Nigeria became the second country in the world, and the first in Africa, to launch a central bank digital currency. Launched with the tag line “Same Naira. More possibilities”, the Central Bank of Nigeria publicized the eNaira as having the capability to deepen financial inclusion, reduce the cost of financial transactions and support a more efficient payment system. However, more than one year after its launch, its usage is yet to gain a critical mass. This article identifies the significant challenges that make the eNaira unacceptable and potentially ineffective. First, its status as legal tender is questionable; secondly, it undermines privacy, a critical component of physical cash. Thirdly, it is incapable of wide acceptance by individuals and entities across Nigeria. The article explains each of these challenges and proposes a roadmap to the eNaira's acceptance and effectiveness.

This article explores the remaking of administrative law review in South Africa since the introduction of constitutional democracy in 1994. It characterizes the construction of the constitutional and legislative framework, as well as the courts’ interpretation of that framework, as the first phase of the remaking. The second phase encompasses the courts’ recognition of a constitutional principle of legality based on the rule of law, and their swift development of the content of this principle. This judicial creativity has resulted in an elaborate avenue to review, parallel to the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act 3 of 2000, and has caused problems of rivalry and avoidance. The article identifies and discusses some of the more significant implications of each of these phases of reconstruction. It also proposes corrective measures likely to advance the coherence and effectiveness of judicial review and discourage the adoption of a doctrine of non-justiciability.

Public procurement is often used to achieve policy goals beyond the purchase of the required goods and services. These goals include the economic advancement of minorities, the promotion of fair labour practices and climate action. In the last two decades, many countries have used public procurement to advance gender equality. This is referred to as gender-responsive procurement and is often implemented through the award of public contracts to women-owned businesses. While many countries have legal provisions designed to increase the award of public contracts to women, gender-responsive procurement is extremely limited and women-owned businesses are not fully integrated into public sector supply chains. This is unfortunate, given that gender-responsive procurement can improve women's economic empowerment, with implications for sustainable development. This article adopts a gender equality and women's economic empowerment lens to examine the legal, policy and cultural barriers to gender-responsive procurement and recommends measures to improve the award of public contracts to women-owned businesses.

This article examines the interplay between traditional leaders, democratically elected leaders and succession in Makapanstad Village, North West Province, South Africa. The article stems from community-based participatory action research conducted in Makapanstad in 2018. The article uses research data, in the form of community dialogue, together with desktop literature on the same subject. The article analyses the significance and role of traditional leadership in a democratic South Africa. It considers traditional leadership and democratically elected leadership in conjunction with succession and the demarcation of roles and responsibilities. The article analyses participants’ views to explore the form of leadership preferred by the residents of Makapanstad. It argues that, despite the recognition of traditional leadership in South Africa's Constitution, the roles and responsibilities of traditional leaders in local and provincial arms of government are limited, in contrast to those of democratically elected leaders.

The doctrine of subrogation, like many other legal principles in Zimbabwean insurance law, has evolved with changing times. The position in Zimbabwe (which was adopted from English law) is that a subrogated insurer who intends to enforce the insured's right to recover compensation for the insured loss from a third party can only do so in the name of the insured. The reason is that the insured is the custodian of legal rights against the third party; the insurer's rights only relate to the insured and not the third party. This research discusses legal developments in South African law and how they may be adopted in Zimbabwe in order to advance the rights of the parties in subrogation proceedings.

This article explores the responses of the South African competition authorities to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the socio-economic rights of consumers in relation to the price gouging of essential and medical supplies. After discussing the constitutional and legislative context of socio-economic rights and excessive pricing, it examines the first case in which the competition authorities were called upon to decide on the excessive pricing of medical supplies during COVID-19. The article finds that, while the competition authorities were swift to interpret the Competition Act widely and act against suppliers charging excessive prices, there remains a gap in South Africa's legislative framework as there is no specific legislation regulating price gouging during states of pandemic or disaster. The article identifies the need for legislative development and concludes by offering recommendations for addressing future incidents of price gouging.

The grim realities of the COVID-19 pandemic have resuscitated discussions about the effectiveness of the flexibilities entrenched in the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) for improving access to medicines. This article revisits this vexed issue by examining whether a regional approach to implementing TRIPS obligations could deliver a better outcome for access, especially in low- and middle-income countries, where manufacturing capacity is almost non-existent. Using the East African Community (EAC) as a case study, the article critiques recommended implementation options under the EAC policy on TRIPS flexibilities, concluding that, if significantly implemented, these recommendations could yield a better outcome for access.