The heads of state and government of the East African sub-region established a forum known as the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) for expanded cooperation in 1996. The conclusion of the treaty by which IGAD was created was the beginning, not the end, of commitment to IGAD through the principle of pacta sunt servanda [agreements are binding and must be implemented in good faith]. In spite of the great hopes, optimism and aspirations placed on the creation of IGAD, the challenge then become IGAD members' commitment to the treaty establishing IGAD. If member states are unable to grant powers to IGAD and cooperate to enable IGAD to execute its objectives, IGAD cannot work as was intended, hence it remains open to questions. This article discusses IGAD's fundamental features and the institutional progress it has achieved, as well as the challenges it faces as an international legal body.

A practice of frequent constitutional amendments started shortly after Kenya attained her independence in 1963. Consequently, the country has witnessed a confusion of systems of governance, ranging from single-party autocracy to virtual multi-party democracy, which have served to endorse the chronic condition of human rights violations in the country. In the process of such experimentation, Kenyans have unabatedly been denied the enjoyment of many of their fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to participate in their government. This article analyses Kenya's constitutional order with the intention of highlighting the extent to which the country's citizens have been denied the right to participate in their government. Drawing inspiration from the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, the article recommends ways in which this right could be entrenched in the country's constitutional order.

This article explores the use of law in development at two levels in Nigeria. Development as a state duty has been provided for under the constitution, thereby creating socio-economic rights for citizens, albeit rights which are unenforceable. Seven development policies drawn up at different times have all also invoked law in one way or another to facilitate the achievement of their respective objectives. Both cases reflect the international trend in their respective discourses. The first approach mirrors the international human rights regime, while the second mimics international development discourse. While the instrumental use of law is desirable, this article argues that it is inadequate. More needs to be done to supplement it. First, courts need to adopt a radical interpretation of the constitutional provisions to make socio-economic rights enforceable. Secondly, people need to be active citizens through participation in the development process.

Corporate criminal liability is a problematic concept, especially where it is based on an exceptionable principle such as vicarious liability. This is the case with the South African model. This article seeks to demonstrate that this model requires substantial modification because it compels the court to adopt the incoherent exercise of holding a corporation (which is a distinct person) liable for the intentional act (crime) of any of its agents, whether or not there is criminal intention on the corporation's part and whether or not it was aware of, or could have prevented the commission of the offence. It is submitted that it is more appropriate to hold a corporation liable only where it has been established that the course of conduct that resulted in the offence was encouraged or tolerated by persons who embody the corporation (usually sufficiently empowered managers or members of the board of directors).

The 1994 Malawian Constitution is unique in that it, among other things, recognizes administrative justice as a fundamental right and articulates the notion of constitutional supremacy. This right and the idea of constitutional supremacy have important implications for Malawi's administrative law, which was hitherto based on the common law inherited from Britain. This article highlights the difficulties that Malawian courts have faced in reconciling the right to administrative justice as protected under the new constitution with the common law. In doing so, it offers some insights into what the constitutionalization of administrative justice means for Malawian administrative law. It is argued that the constitution has altered the basis and grounds for judicial review so fundamentally that the Malawian legal system's marriage to the English common law can be regarded as having irretrievably broken down as far as administrative law is concerned.

Nigeria's recent efforts to pass local content legislation with stringent targets and stiff penalties have drawn widespread attention, spurred ongoing debate and prompted numerous international workshops and seminars. Lack of local content has been blamed for high unemployment and lack of capacity, and even been linked to militancy in the Niger Delta region. After much debate and delay, the bill has become law. This article reviews the bill's history and tracks the hype surrounding Nigeria's moves towards a legislative mandate. It discusses the provisions of the bill, observing that it is poorly drafted, vague and therefore difficult to comply with. The bill could also violate international agreements, such as bilateral investment treaties and GATT, and is unnecessary in the face of contractual alternatives that could be successfully utilized to enhance local content. Contract models contain ample provisions for enabling local content and have been successfully employed by other resource-rich nations.