¹ These rough percentages are derived from data on food aid shipments of two major kinds: those under Title I of Public Law 480, which provides for sales on concessional terms (20 to 40 years for repayment, low interest rates) and those under Title II of the act, which provides for grants. The data for Title I shipments were given for calendar years as follows: 1972, about 6 million metric tons; 1973, 3 million; and 1974, 1.2 million. Title II figures were given for fiscal years as follows: 1972, 2.5 million metric tons; 1973, 2.1 million; and 1974, 1.4 million. Sources: United States Congress, 1973 Annual Report on Public Law 480 (House Document No. 83–362, Washington, D.C., 1973), pp. 8, 50Google Scholar; and “The Annual Report on Activities Carried Out Under Public Law 480, 83rd Congress, as Amended, During the Period January 1 through December 31, 1974” (preliminary draft, Agency for International Development, 1975), pp. 1, 95Google Scholar.

² See USDA Economic Research Service, “World Economic Conditions in Relation to Agricultural Trade,” WEC 12 (Washington, D.C., 08 1977), p. 7Google Scholar.

³ US Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, The World Food Situation and Prospects to 1985 (Washington, D.C., 1974), pp. 81–83Google Scholar.

⁴ The 28 countries in question were ones for which both FAO and USDA per capita food production estimates were available. See Table I for specific bibliographic references.

⁵ Cited by Heisel, Donald, “Food and Population in Africa,” Current History, 06, 1975): 261Google Scholar.

⁶ Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and Upper Volta. Agency for International Development, Special Report to the Congress on the Drought Situation in Sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, D.C., 1975), pp. 17–44Google Scholar.

⁷ Ethiopia, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria, and Senegal. See the sources listed in Table 1.

⁸ Data on the money value of food imports were available also for 1974. However, world market prices for grain were unusually high that year, as well as in 1973. Including both 1973 and 1974 figures would tend to distort excessively the comparisons in Tables 2 and 3 (that is, the averages for the early 1970s versus the 1962–65 bases). Therefore, we chose to omit the 1974 data.

⁹ See the entries for those seven countries in the following sources: US Department of Agricultural Service, Foreign Agriculture Circular: Reference Tables on Wheat, Corn, and Total Coarse Grains Supply-Distribution for Individual Countries (Washington, D.C., 1976)Google Scholar and Foreign Agriculture Circular: Reference Tables on Rice Supply-Distribution for Individual Countries (Washington, D.C., 1976)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Malenbaum, Wilfred, “Scarcity: Prerequisite to Abundance,” Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, no. 420 (07 1975): 76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ During the decade of the sixties imports of grain averaged 7.7 percent of India's domestic production, for example. More to the point these imports represented 20.4 percent of the marketed supply of grain. See Vyas, V. S. and Bandyopadhyay, S. C., “National Food Policy in the Framework of a National Food Budget,” Economic and Political Weekly, “Review of Agriculture” (03 1975): A2–A13Google Scholar.

¹² Indian Foodgrain Marketing (New Delhi: Institute of Economic Growth, 1973) pp. 18–26Google Scholar. Refer also to Moore, John et al. Indian Foodgrain Marketing (New Delhi: Institute of Economic Growth, 1973)Google Scholar.

¹³ The data following on operating costs come from Report of the Committee on Cost of Handling of Foodgrains by Food Corporation of India (New Delhi: Government of India, 1974), pp. 23, 40–41Google Scholar.

¹⁴ These dollar figures were converted from rupees at the official exchange rate then prevailing, one rupee = $0.13

¹⁵ Nicholson, N. K., “The Politics of Food Policy in India,” Pacific Affairs, Vol. 41, no. 1 (Spring 1968): 34–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ The basic document in this change was the Ford Foundation report, India's Food Crisis & Steps to Meet It (New Delhi, Ministry of Food and Agriculture and Ministry of Community Development and Cooperation, 1959)Google Scholar. Regarding price policy two subsequent reports indicate clearly the direction of thinking, in the Government of India: Agricultural Price Policy in India (New Delhi: Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Ministry of Food and Agriculture, 1966)Google Scholar, and Report of the Foodgrains Policy Committee (New Delhi: Department of Food, 1966)Google Scholar. In agricultural policy the innovations are presented in Modernizing Indian Agriculture (New Delhi: Ministry of Food, Agriculture, Community Development, and Cooperation, 1969)Google Scholar. Also see Nicholson, N. K., “Rural Development Policy in India: Elite Differentiation and the Decision Making Process” (DeKalb: Center for Governmental Studies, Northern Illinois University, 1974)Google Scholar; Brown, D., Agricultural Development in India's Districts (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ This interpretation was derived from extensive interviews by Nicholson in India in 1974 with officers and politicians involved in making the decision or in the early implementation of the decision.

¹⁸ Mellor, John, “The Functions of Agricultural Prices in Economic Development,” in Comparative Experience of Agricultural Development in Developing Countries of Asia and the South-East since World War II (Bombay: Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, 1971), pp. 122–40Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Weiner, M., The Politics of Scarcity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), Chapter 9Google Scholar.

²⁰ Morris, Morris D., “What is a Famine,” Economic and Political Weekly (11 2, 1974), 885Google Scholar; “Needed: A New Famine Policy,” ibid., (February 1975): 283. See also N. S. Jodha, “Famine and Famine Policies: Some Empirical Evidence,” ibid., (October 11, 1975): 1609.

²¹ For a discussion of the politics of decontrol, see Nicholson, Norman K., “Politics and Food Policy in India,” thesis presented to the Graduate School, Cornell University, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 06 1966, Chapter 2Google Scholar.

²² This possibility was demonstrated in the report by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Report on Market Arrivals of Foodgrains–1958859 Season (New Delhi: 1959)Google Scholar.

The question of the effect of this control system on incentives has frequently been raised in public debate and in academic circles. Several answers are possible. First, the disincentive effect will depend on the extent to which higher prices would, in fact, be reflected in higher investments by the farmer. It could reasonably be argued that, in the absence of new technology, extensive farm investment was not to be expected. Second, controlled prices may be offset, from the perspective of the fanner, by higher average prices if the government does actually support the price at harvest and in bumper years. Third, some disincentive may be justified by the responsibility of the government to prevent starvation if this is what the grain is actually used for and there appears no other way to do the job.

²³ Statistics on foodgrains production, procurement, pricing, and distribution can be found in Food Statistics, published annually by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Ministry of Agriculture, New Delhi.

²⁴ See Krishnaji, N., “Inter-regional Disparaties in Per Capita Production and Productivity of Foodgrains,” Economic and Political Weekly (Special Number, 08 1975): 1377Google Scholar. See also Mellor, John, The New Economics of Growth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976)Google Scholar, Chapter 3; John, S. S. & Mudahar, M. S., “The Dynamics of Institutional Change and Rural Development in Punjab, India” (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, 1974)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Krishnaji, N., “Wheat Price Movement,” Economic and Political Weekly (06 1973): A–42Google Scholar.

²⁶ A review of the relief problems can be found in the following documents: Relief Problems in East Pakistan and India (in two parts), United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to investigate problems connected with refugees and escapees (Washington: 06 28, 1971, and 10 4, 1971)Google Scholar; Kennedy, Senator Edward, Crisis in South Asia, United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to investigate problems connected with refugees and escapees (Washington: 11 1, 1971)Google Scholar.

²⁷ See the discussions of state agencies in Kenya and Sierra Leone in Jones, William O., Marketing Staple Food Crops in Tropical Africa (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1972)Google Scholar, Chapters 7, 8.

²⁸ Leys, Colin, Underdevelopment in Kenya (London: Heinemann, 1975), pp. 106–7Google Scholar.

²⁹ Ibid., p. 108.

³⁰ See War on Hunger (A Report from the Agency for International Development), vol. 8 (08 1974): 27Google Scholar; and Food and Agriculture Organization, “Mission Multi-Donateurs Dans la Zone Zahelienne: Republique du Niger” (Rome: 1974): 2Google Scholar.

³¹ Agency for International Development (US), “Development Assistance Program: FY 1975, Section Three: Chad, Cameroon, Central African Republic, and Gabon” (Washington: 1975), pp. 1–19Google Scholar.

³² Shepherd, Jack, The Politics of Starvation (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peacea, 1975), p. 1Google Scholar.

³³ DuBois, Victor D., “The Drought in West Africa: Part I,” American University Field Staff Reports: West African Series, vol. 15 (no. 1, 1974): 3Google Scholar.

³⁴ The Politics of Starvation, p. 4.

³⁵ Winstanley, Derek, “Climatic Changes and the Future of the Sahel,” in The Politics of Natural Disaster: The Case of the Sahel Drought, edited by Glantz, Michael H. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976), p. 1981Google Scholar. See also p. 164 of the same volume.

³⁶ “The Drought in West Africa: Part II” (no. 2, 1974): 6Google Scholar.

³⁷ A field survey by the US Public Health Service estimated for Mauritania, Mali, Niger and Senegal that “the maximum number of deaths due to famine this year (1973) is calculated at 101,000.” Public Health Service, “Nutritional Surveillance in West Africa” (July-August 1973), reprinted in Disaster in the Desert, by Hal Sheets and Roger Morris (New York: The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1974), pp. 131–36. Shepherd reports, “In Ethiopia alone, at least 100,000 people starved to death in 1973 alone….” The Politics of Starvation, p. xiii.

³⁸ ”The Drought in Africa: Part II,” pp. 2–4.

³⁹ The Politics of Starvation, p. 17.

⁴⁰ ”Needed: A New Famine Policy,” p. 283.

⁴¹ Report of the Study Team on Fair Price Shops (New Delhi: Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Community Development, and Cooperation, 1966), especially p. 57Google Scholar.

⁴² The effect of the distribution on prices in Punjab appears to be one of stimulating prices. See Krishnaji, N., “Wheat Price Movements,” Economic and Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture, (06 1973): A–42Google Scholar.

On the whole, over the past two decades the index of food prices has risen faster than the wholesale price index and terms of trade have favored the farmer. See, Vyas, V. S. & Bandyopadhyay, S. C., “National Food Policy in the Framework of a National Food Budget,” Economic and Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture (03 1975): A–2Google Scholar. In fact, the distribution system appears to stimulate demand and as price is determined by demand more than supply—due to the fact that aggregate production is unresponsive to prices—the system may actually encourage price increases. See Chakrabarti, S. K., “Relative Prices of Cereals: 1952–70,” Economic and Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture (06 1975): A–43Google Scholar; National Council of Applied Economic Research, Structure and Behavior of Prices of Foodgrains (New Delhi: NCAER, 1969), Chapter 7Google Scholar; Tamarajakshi, R., “Inter-Sectoral Terms of Trade and Marketed Surplus of Agricultural Produce 1951–2 to 1965–6,” in Comparative Experience of Agricultural Development in Developing Countries (Bombay: Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, 1972): 141Google Scholar. On the issue of the destitute, see Dandekar, V. M. & Rath, N., “Poverty in India,” Economic and Political Weekly(01 2, 1971): 25, (January 9, 1971): 106Google Scholar.

⁴³ Esseks, John D., “The Food Outlook for the Sahel: Regaining Self-Sufficiency or Continuing Dependence on International Aid?” Africa Today, vol. 22 (04–06 1975): 46–7Google Scholar; and The Politics of Starvation, pp. 60–64.

⁴⁴ Copans, Jean, ed., Secheresses et Famines du Sahel (Paris: Francois Maspero, 1975), pp. 133, 137–38, 140–42Google Scholar; DuBois, Victor, “The Drought in Niger, Part II: The Overthrow of President Hamani Dion,” American Universities Field Staff Reports: West African Series, vol. 15 (no. 5, 1974): 6–7Google Scholar; and The Politics of Starvation, pp. 49–50.

⁴⁵ Punjab Budget at a Glance: 1974–75 (Chandigarsh: Government of Punjab, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Lele, Uma, The Design of Rural Development (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), Chapters 3, 4, 6Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ International Labour Organization, Bulletin of Labour Statistics, 2nd Quarter, 1976, Table 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See Nicholson, N. K., Rural Development Policy in India (Dekalb: Center for Governmental Studies, Northern Illinois University, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ See Desai, Gunvant, Growth of Fertilizer Use in Districts of India (Ahmedabad: Indian Institute of Management, Center for Management in Agriculture, 1973) Chapter 2Google Scholar. See also Desai, Gunvant et al. , Dynamics of Growth in Fertilizer Use at Micro Level (Ahmedabad: Center for Management in Agriculture, Indian Institute of Management, 1973)Google Scholar; Lockwood, Brian et al. , The High Yielding Varieties Program in India, Part I (New Delhi: Programme Evaluation Organization, Planning Commission, 1971)Google Scholar; National Council of Applied Economic Research, Fertilizer Use on Selected Crops in India (New Delhi: 1974)Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Even at the time, according to the recollections of those involved in the decision, this was widely viewed as a considerable risk. In fact, most of the field trials of the new seeds were not encouraging and the best economic opinion was against building up a dependence on imported fertilizers.

⁵¹ See Report of the Committee on Taxation of Agricultural Wealth and Income (New Delhi: Ministry of Finance 1972)Google Scholar; Mathew, E. T., Agricultural Taxation and Economic Development in India (New Delhi: Asia, 1968)Google Scholar; Angrish, A. C., Direct Taxation of Agriculture in India (Bombay: Somarija, 1972)Google Scholar; Gandhi, V. P., Tax Burden on Indian Agriculture (Cambridge: Harvard Law School, 1966)Google Scholar; Shetty, S. L., “An Inter-Sectoral Analysis of Taxable Capacity and Tax Burden,” Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, vol. 26 (07–09 1971)Google Scholar.

⁵² In 1974, for example, attempts were made by the Finance Ministry to pressure the state governments into adopting agricultural income taxes. In addition, although the central government may not constitutionally tax rural income, the income tax laws were amended to take rural income into account in calculating the rateof income tax. Electricity rates were revised upwards by many states during the year and the price of fertilizer was doubled.

⁵³ The two most obvious were the Kheti Ban Union in Punjab and the Kehdut Samaj in Gujerat. But interviews with Congress party MPs in New Delhi indicated that by 1974 rural MPs from the Northwest were becoming increasingly aware of their common economic interests and some identified the “farm lobby” in the Congress as one of the major components of the attempt to oust Indira Ghandi in 1975 (June).

⁵⁴ The Design of Rural Development, pp. 75, 81; and Underdevelopment in Kenya, p. 101.

⁵⁵ Bienen, Henry, Kenya: The Politics of Participation and Control (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974), pp. 169–70Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Cited by Elliott, Charles, Patterns of Poverty in the Third World (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1975), p. 27Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Kenya: Politics of Participation, pp. 181–82.

⁵⁸ Underdevelopment in Kenya, pp. 90–91.

⁵⁹ Dandekar, V. M. & Rath, N., “Poverty in India,” Economic and Political Weekly (01 2, 1971): 25; (January 9, 1971): 106Google Scholar. See also P. K. Bardhank, “On the Incidence of Poverty in Rural India of the Sixties.”

⁶⁰ Lewis, John, “Wanted in India: A Relevant Radicalism,” Economic and Political Weekly (Special Number, 07 1970): 1211Google Scholar.

⁶¹ In 1974, these issues led to the resignation of B. S. Minnas, at that time the leading economist on the Indian Planning Commission. This signaled the impending economic collapse which led to the declaration of emergency in June 1975. His book, Planning and the Poor (New Delhi: S. Chand, 1974) takes on particular significance in the light of subsequent eventsGoogle Scholar.

⁶² The clearest recent presentation of this model can be found in, Mellor, John, The New Economics of Growth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976)Google Scholar. A two volume work by Sen, Sudhir, Reaping the Green Revolution (New Delhi: Tata-McGraw Hill, 1975)Google Scholar, A Richer Harvest (New Delhi: Tata-McGraw Hill, 1974)Google Scholar, is a comprehensive statement of the problems and solutions. An excellent statistical statement on the Indian case can be found in, “A Report to the Nation on the Downtrodden,” Monthly Commentary on Indian Economic Conditions, Indian Institute of Public Opinion, Annual Number, vol. 5, no. 5, (1973)Google Scholar.

⁶³ See Nicholson, N. K., “Rural Development Policy in India: Elite Differentiation and the Decision-Making Process,” (Dekalb: Center for Governmental Studies, Northern Illinois University, 1974) pp. 39–43Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ A good discussion of the “urban” focus of early agricultural planning in India can be found in Rao, C. H. Hanumantha, “Agricultural Policy Under Three Plans,” in Srinirasan, N., ed., Agricultural Administration in India (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Public Administration, 1969), pp. 116–19Google Scholar. See also Lipton, M., “India's Agricultural Performance: Achievements, Distortions, and Ideologies,” in Agricultural Development in Developing Countries—Comparative Experience (Bombay: Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, 1972), Chapter 4Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ See Luyks, N., “Rural Governing Institutions,” in Blase, M., ed., Institutions in Agricultural Development (Ames: Iowa State University, 1971), Chapter 10Google Scholar; Uphoff, N. T. & Esman, M. J., Local Organization for Rural Development: Analysis of Asian Experience (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, 1974)Google Scholar; Ashford, D. E., National Development and Local Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ See, for example, statements by Julius Nyerere, President of Tanzania, reprinted in Freedom and Socialism: A Selection from Writings and Speeches 1965–67 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 324–25, 353–55.

⁶⁷ “As the review ujamaa carried out under ARDS [African Rural Development Study] noted, “there are only limited formal procedures for local people to influence TANU [Tanganyikan African National Union, the ruling party] officials, leaving little more than good will to assure these officials will, in fact, protect peasant interests.” Design of Rural Development, p. 153.

⁶⁸ Collins, Paul, “Decentralization & Local Administration for Development in Tanzania,” Africa Today, vol. 21 (Summer 1974): 25Google Scholar. In the same article Collins suggests that an exception to the concentration trend may be the interaction between local farmers and regional officials by means of Ujamaa Planning Teams which take officials to villages to assist in drawing up feasible and realistic development plans for the villages. Ibid., pp. 23, 25.

⁶⁹ See the discussion of farmer opposition to Tanzania's communalization of farming in Design of Rural Development, pp. 155–57.

⁷⁰ Chinese experience in this regard is instructive. See Stavis, B., “People's Communes and Rural Development in China” (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1974)Google Scholar; Pelzel, J. D., “The Economic Management of a Production Brigade in Post-Leap China,” in Willmott, W. E., ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), pp. 387–416Google Scholar.

⁷¹ See Evanson, R. E. & Kislev, Y., Agricultural Research and Productivity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975)Google Scholar; Hayami, Y. & Ruttan, V. W., Agricultural Development: An International Perspective (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁷² Report of the Fertilizer Credit Committee of the Fertilizer Association of India (New Delhi: Fertilizer Association of India, 1968) pp. 92–96Google Scholar.

⁷³ Sankhayan, P. L., Sidhu, D. S., and Rangi, P. S., “Efficiency and Impact of Various Fertilizer Supply Systems on Production in Punjab,” Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics 28 (10/12 1972): 77–84Google Scholar; R. I. Singh, Ram Kumar, & Sri Ram, “Impact of Input Supply Systems on Crop Production in District Moradabad,” ibid., pp. 130–36; Ryan, J. G. & Subramanyam, K. B., “Package of Practices Approach in Adaptation of HYV,” Economic and Political Weekly, Review of Agriculture, (12 1975): pp. A 101–10Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Nulty, L., The Green Revolution in West Pakistan (New York: Praeger, 1972)Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ This neglect was corrected in the mid-sixties with the establishment of the Agricultural Prices Commission in the Ministry of Agriculture, which prepares cost of production and price recommendations seasonally for the Ministry. The Commission's cost of production calculations are generally disputed by farm organizations which feel they are too low. The Commission also appears to be of the opinion that within broad ranges, prices do not influence the allocation of acreage, input use, etc. For discussions of various aspects of this problem, see Krishna, Raj, “Agricultural Price Policy and Economic Development,” in Southworth, H. M. & Johnston, B. J., Agricultural Development and Economic Growth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), Chapter 13Google Scholar. Lele, Uma is highly critical of government pricing policies in Foodgrain Marketing in India (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971), pp. 220–23Google Scholar. That this is a widespread problem is argued by Schultz, T. W. in “US Malinvestiments in Food for the World,” reprinted in Agricultural Development in Developing Countries (Bombay: Indian Society of Agricultural Economics, 1972), Chapter 21Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ See Nicholson, N. K., “Local Institutions and Fertilizer Policy: The Lessons from India's Punjab and Gujerat States” (Paper presented to East-West Center Food Institute Conference, INPUTS 06 7–17, 1976, Honolulu, Hawaii)Google Scholar. Also, “Differential Responses to Technical Change in Gujerat and Punjab: An Analysis of Economic Political Differentiation in India” (Paper presented to American Political Science Association, Annual Convention, San Francisco, 09 16, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ A good example is the Small Farmer Program, evolved in the late sixties. It was designed to direct federal resources into programs to help the smaller farmer. Discussions of the problems and programs can be found in Gaikwad, V. R., Small Farmers: State Policy and Program Implementation (Hyderabad: National Institute of Community Development, 1971)Google Scholar; Rural Development for Weaker Sections, Report of a Seminar Sponsored by the Indian Society of Agricultural Economics and the Indian Institute of Management (Bombay: I.S.A.E., 1974)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Uphoff, N. T. & Esman, M. J.. Local Organization for Rural Development: Analysis of Asian Experience (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1974), pp. 63–75Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Stengel, P. J. & Allgood, J. H., “World Fertilizer Situation 1976–80” (Paper presented to Food Institute Conference, East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii, 06 7–17, 1976)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ See Srivastava, U. K. et al. , Food Aid and International Economic Growth (Ames: Iowa State University, 1975)Google Scholar.

⁸¹ See, for example, Hopper, W. D., “The Development of Agriculture in Developing Countries,” Scientific American, no. 235 (09 1976): 196–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² See Janick, J., Noller, C. H., & Rhykerd, C. L., “The Cycles of Plant and Animal Nutrition,” Scientific American, no. 235 (09 1976): 74–87Google Scholar; Revelle, Roger, “Food and Population,” Scientific American, no. 231 (09 1974): 160–70Google Scholar.

⁸³ See Krishnaji, N., “Inter-Regional Disparities in Per Capita Production and Productivity of Foodgrains,” Economic and Political Weekly (Special Number, 08 1975): 1377Google Scholar; Bardhan, P. K., “On the Incidence of Poverty in Rural India of the Sixties,” Economic and Political Weekly (Annual Number, 02 1973): 245–68Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ There have been only a few attempts to relate the character of local politics to policy, and they are as yet somewhat primitive. See Hadden, S., Decentralization and Rural Electrification in Rajasthan, India (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1974)Google Scholar; Blue, R. N. & Junghare, Y., “Political and Social Factors Associated with the Public Allocation of Agricultural Inputs in a Green Revolution Area” (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, Department of Political Science, 1973, mimeo)Google Scholar; Coyer, B. W., “The Distribution of Rural Public Policy Goods in Rajasthan” (Paper presented to Fourth Annual University of Wisconsin Conference on South Asia, 11 7–8, 1975)Google Scholar; Nicholson, N. K., “Factionalism and Public Policy in India,” forthcoming in Belloni, F., ed., Party and Faction (CLIO Press)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Frankel, Francine, “The Politics of the Green Revolution: Shifting Patterns of Peasant Participation in India and Pakistan,” in Poleman, T. J. & Freebain, D. K., eds., Food, Population and Employment (Ithaca: Cornell University Program on Science, Technology, and Society, Praeger Publishers, 1973), pp. 120–51Google Scholar; Breman, Jan, Patronage and Exploitation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁷ For India, see Ladejinsky, W., A Study on Tenurial Conditions in Package Districts (New Delhi: Planning Commission, 1965)Google Scholar; Francine Frankel, “The Politics of the Green Revolution…”; Owens, Edgar and Shaw, , Development Reconsidered, pp. 86–91Google Scholar; Ladejinsky, W., “Agarian Reform in Asia: The Green Revolution and its Reform Effects,” in Shand, R. T., ed., Technical Change in Asian Agriculture (Canberra: Australian National University, 1973) Chapter 12Google Scholar; John Mellor, The New Economics of Growth, Chapter 4; Nulty, L., The Green Revolution In Pakistan, pp. 25–40Google Scholar; Hiromitsu Kanepa, “Mechanization, Industrialization and Technological Change in Rural Pakistan,” in R. T. Shand, Technical Change in Asian Agriculture, Chapter 9.

⁸⁸ Cohen, John M., “Effects of Green Revolution Strategies on Tenants and Small-Scale Landowners in the Chilalo Region of Ethiopia,” Journal of Developing Areas, vol. 9 (04 1975): 340–41, 350–51Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ In Punjab, for example, farms of under two hectares constituted 17 percent of all holdings. In 1971, they increased in number until they constituted 57 percent of all holdings. Nicholson, N. K., “Local Institution and Fertilizer Policy…,” p. 23Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Hayami and Ruttan, Chapter 3. See also Polanyi, K., The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

⁹¹ A severe criticsm of the recent role of government adminstration can be found in M. L. Dantwala, “From Stagnation to Growth: Relative Roles of Technology, Economic Policy and Agrarian Institutions,” in R. T. Shand, ed., Chapter 13. See also Nicholson, N. K. and Shan, Silawar Ali, Basic Democracies and Rural Development in Pakistan (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁹² Good discussions of the emergence of brokerage politics can be found in Sisson, Richard, The Congress Party in Rajasthan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972)Google Scholar; and Burki, S. Javed, Agricultural Growth and Local Government in Punjab, Pakistan (Ithaca: Rural Development Committee, Center for International Studies, Cornell University, 1974)Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ “Cocayoc Declaration,” Ceres(November–December 1974).

⁹⁵ Mannheim, K., Ideology and Utopia (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1936, Books, Harvest ed.), p. 55Google Scholar; Geertz, Clifford, “Ideology as a Cultural System,” in Apter, David, ed., Ideology and Discontent (Glencoe: Free Press, 1964), Chapter 1Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ See Meadows, D. H. and Meadows, D. L., The Limits to Growth (New York: New American Library, 1972)Google Scholar; Cole, H. S. D. et al. , Models of Doom (New York: Universe Books, 1973)Google Scholar; Mesarovic, M. and Peskel, E., Mankind at the Turning Point (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1974)Google Scholar; Schumacher, E. F., Small is Beautiful (New York: Harper & Row, 1973)Google Scholar.

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