The influential Chu ci zhangju 楚辭章句, the earliest received edition of the foundational poetry anthology Chuci 楚辭, performs a distinct gender bias in its exegesis of deities, and this bias accords with the Eastern Han ideology of the editor Wang Yi 王逸 (2nd c. CE) more than with immanent features of the original Warring States texts. The gender bias is an essential feature of Wang Yi’s canonization of the Chuci, and it lays the groundwork of the allegorical tradition of interpreting the Chuci. This paper analyzes the zhangju presentation of archetypal Chuci texts to elucidate the hermeneutic transformation of gender and religion in early China, comparing the Eastern Han exegeses with earlier and later interpretations, immanent textual features, and fresh perspectives on Warring States and Han culture that have emerged from archeological evidence. The analysis demonstrates that the Chuci zhangju treats the male deities more literally than the female deities, reflecting the reduction in status of goddesses in late Han discourse. The history of gender ideology is an essential critical lens for understanding the Chuci and the tradition that emerged from it.

It Is widely assumed that archaeological material does not speak for itself but requires interpretation. Marxism provides an interpretative framework that can be useful, but not when applied dogmatically and mechanistically. Careful reading of recent archaeological work from China suggests increasing sophistication in the application of Marxism, raising the possibility of eventual convergence in archaeological thinking between Chinese and Western scholars.

Zhong Hui (a.d. 225–264) was a major, albeit neglected figure in third- century Chinese intellectual history. Author of a Laozi commentary and a treatise on the relationship between “capacity” (cat) and “nature” (xing), Zhong Hui played a significant role in the development of xuanxue (Learning of the Mysterious Dao), which came into prominence during the early Wei dynasty and dominated the Chinese intellectual scene well into the sixth century. This essay presents a reconstructed version of Zhong Hui's Laozi commentary and compares Zhong's approach with Wang Bi's. Zhong Hui's work on “capacity and nature” (caixing) captures a major debate in early xuanxue philosophy and will be scrutinized also in this discussion.

The old accepted theories concerning the direction of cultural influence between China and the Eurasian steppes during the Eastern Zhou period need to be reassessed in the light of recent archaeological discoveries. The pictorial scenes on the “Hunting Hu,” the trend toward naturalism, the long sword and scabbard slide, all credited at one time or another to northern barbarian influence, can now be shown to reflect Chinese innovations instead. A Shang priority can be recognized for the coiled feline, which was to become a leitmotif of the steppe “Animal Style” world. In the future, extreme caution is suggested when attempting to identify the ultimate cultural source for any unusual steppe or Chinese feature that seems exotic.

This article examines the story of Shun's 舜 ascension to the throne. This story has drawn considerable attention throughout Chinese history because of its significance with regard to political succession. However, in this article, I shed light on a different dimension of the story: its relevance to the issue of contingency. I investigate four texts, two excavated and two transmitted: Qiongda yi shi 窮達以時 (Failure and Success Depend on Times), Tang Yu zhi dao 唐虞之道 (The Way of Yao and Shun), the Mengzi 孟子, and the Xunzi 荀子. At one extreme, Qiongda yi shi highlights that Shun became a king by pure chance, while at the other extreme, Xunzi interprets the event as a necessary one, emphasizing that Shun cannot but succeed Yao. The other two texts fall somewhere in between the two extremes. I use these four texts to showcase different ways of thinking about areas over which humans are believed to lack control. My claim is that these four texts offer different accounts of the same event—Shun's ascension—because they see the event from different perspectives: from a perspective of the chosen, from a perspective of the chooser, from a mise-en-scène, and from a perspective of not of this world, respectively. I argue that the diverse perspectives of these texts entail the different understandings of several related issues such as the degree of human control over the event, the important features of the event, and the content of the moral and political lessons that we draw from the event.

This article starts by examining how “Li ji” was used as a title in early China. In addition to the Li, Li jing, Shi li, Li yi and Yi li, etc., “Li ji” was used as an alternative title for the Li canon, and the “Li” as a title was used to indicate what we now refer to as the Li ji or the Xiao Dai Li ji as well. By discussing how the Guodian bamboo slip texts are related to the transmitted version of the Li ji, this article argues that the writing styles of the related excavated bamboo manuscripts are the particular Li gujing- or Li guji-styles, that the “Li gujing” or “Li guji” is more a description of those ancient retrieved texts than an actual title, and that many of the Guodian bamboo-slip texts are the Li guji- or Li gujing-style writings. According to the Li guji-style Zi yi text, it is evident that the material in the Li ji comes from creditable pre-Qin textual sources. Although the Li ji text came to its current shape as a result of later editing work, it does not mean that the received Li ji sections have higher textual value than the excavated manuscripts do. On the contrary, the excavated manuscripts could have many valuable early textual sources that the transmitted Li ji has lost.

The mythical origins of the Chinese qin have been forged by ancient literature ever since the age of Confucius, nevertheless, very little is known about the morphology of the ancient qin and its embodied symbolism. This article, by analyzing a most recently discovered ancient qin found in a fourth-century b.c.e. tomb in Jiuliandun, Zaoyang city, Hubei province, in 2002, will explore the relief carving and lacquered drawings found on the instrument itself and their symbolic significance as a representation of the worldview and philosophical state of mind of the Warring States period. I will suggest that a qin contemporaneous to Confucius and played by him looks distinctly different from the version produced by the fertile imagination of the medieval Chinese; instead, it was divided into five registers, and it is this segmented subdivision which defines the ancient qin and differentiates it fundamentally from its classical counterpart. Strikingly, the symbolic depictions in which it was clad represent not only the fertile imagination of the Chu aristocracy, but also include portrayal of the more menial tasks of the ordinary Chu farmer and herdsman as he proceeds through the cycle of the agricultural year, and thus provide the modern scholar with an extraordinarily vivid insight into contemporary Chu life.

The primary expertise of Noel Barnard, who died on February 14, 2016, was in bronze casting, Chu silk manuscripts, and their associated research, and he was internationally renowned for his knowledge of Chinese history and archaeology. Barnard's most important academic works included his ground-breaking Metallurgical Remains of Ancient China, with Satō Tamotsu, published in 1975, and Rubbings and Hand Copies of Bronze Inscriptions in Chinese, Japanese, European, American, and Australasian Collections 中日歐美澳紐所見所拓所摹金文彙編, with Cheong Kwong-yue. His three-volume book manuscript, Inscriptions of Chin and the San-Chin, on which he had spent almost twenty years before its completion, will be published soon. In this obituary, the author recalls his experiences, friendship, and collaboration with him.

Recent excavations of Chinese bamboo manuscripts have so far yielded a wealth of information about classical philosophical debates, but conspicuously absent have been contemporary manuscript copies of texts on the most prevalent socio-political issue of the aptly named Warring States Period, namely warfare. Recently, however, the Shanghai Museum began publishing several Warring States bamboo manuscripts from the kingdom of Chu, which it acquired in 1994. Among them is the manuscript of a previously unknown Warring States text titled Cao Mie's Battle Arrays. Through a lengthy dialogue between Duke Zhuang of Lu and his advisor Cao Mie, this manuscript offers new insight into statecraft methods designed to ensure the viability of a small kingdom surrounded by larger bellicose neighbors. While many contemporary philosophical schools considered the welfare of a kingdom or army to be linked to the power of both virtue and the will of Heaven, Cao Mie gives precedence to the real-world efficacy of the ruler's actions and the subsequent response of the populace and soldiers. In this paper I offer an introductory codicological analysis of the manuscript, followed by a study of Cao Mie's central theme of personal action— which requires the ruler to be a visible, decisive, and active participant in handling mundane affairs of the kingdom and in commanding the military.

The present article focuses on the administrative process of the Western Zhou government and addresses the origin of bureaucratic government in China. The article first examines gong 宮 in bronze inscriptions that bore names of individuals or officials, suggesting that such gong had probably functioned as administrative “offices” of the Western Zhou government. Then, it focuses on inscriptions which record appointment ceremonies (ceming 冊命) that took place in the same “offices.” These inscriptions show that there was a certain degree of specialization in the arrangement of appointments and in the use of “offices” for particular administrative tasks. In the appointment ceremonies, Western Zhou officials were normally accompanied by superior officials from the same government units, showing that there were three functional divisions in Western Zhou government administration: royal household, civil administration, and military. Each division operated as a relatively closed system and ceming was a routine administrative procedure within the system. Finally, the article studies the role of the Zhou king in administration, showing that while engaging in the operation of government through his “ritual” role in the appointment ceremony, his visits to various gong seem to have followed a certain routine. The evidence in bronze inscriptions strongly suggests that the Western Zhou government was the earliest bureaucratic government in China.

This article presents a new translation of the “Shao gao” chapter of the Shang shu. Contrary to the views of Edward Shaughnessy in Early China 18, the author argues 1) that the main speaker is the Duke of Zhou, not the Duke of Shao; 2) that the political philosophy expressed is consistent with other texts ascribed to the Duke of Zhou; and 3) that the Duke of Zhou did not die in disgrace or in exile. The author dates the Duke of Zhou's death to the twenty-first year of King Cheng's reign, either 1017 or 1015 B.C.

This discussion of the different malfeasances subsumed under the general term “theft” in Ch'in-Han law is based on the Shih chi, the Han shu, and the Hou Han shu and their early commentaries, as well as on the Han commentaries to the Classics. Besides common theft and robbery, “theft” included bribery and corruption, receiving stolen goods, intimidation and embezzling, and, it seems, smuggling certain items. As far as possible, actual cases are quoted in illustration.