for his kindness and assistance in facilitating my visit.
and page numbers). Xuanxue, translated as “Neo-Daoism” in some Western sources, is a large topic. The word xuan, literally “dark red,” is used in the Laozi (especially ch. 1) to describe the sublimity and mystery of the Dao. Toward the end of the Han period, political instability, the rampant abuses of the official appointment system and other forms of corruption seriously weakened the hold of the Han Confucian orthodoxy and provided the necessary impetus for a reexamination of the classical heritage. Han scholarship was seen to have given rise to a fragmented and thus distorted view of the of the ancient sages, which were unified in their understanding of the Dao as the source and principle of the natural and sociopolitical order. Under the relatively favorable conditions during the Zhengshi reign, with a measure of stability at the center and a strong interest in reform, a new hermeneutic of the Dao began to flourish.
should be recognized also for their profound wisdom. Through philosophical debates (e.g., on the relationship between “capacity” and “nature”) and a reinterpretation of the classical tradition (e.g., by composing commentaries to the Lun yu
, the Laozi, and the Yi jing), philosophers of the early Wei thus sought to discern the “true” meaning of the Dao and its implications for government. Later, during the fifth century, xuanxue became a subject in the official curriculum, with a sharpened focus on the Yi jing, the Laozi, and the Zhuangzi, which were collectively described as the “Three Treatises on the Mysterious (Dao)” (sanxuan
). The term “xuanxue” was then applied retrospectively to the intellectual currents that emerged during the early Wei period. In this discussion, I distinguish xuanxue as a general philosophical hermeneutic with crisscrossing currents from “Xuanxue” as a subject of official learning. On this point, see further discussion in the text and n.82 below.
)—which may be described as a structured form of social gathering in which the host and invited guests debated on specific philosophical topics—acquired a commanding presence on the intellectual stage. I consider xuanxue in the general sense defined above to be the substance of “pure conversation,” providing the participants with the topics, vocabulary, and content of debate. There is a sizeable literature on xuanxue and qingtan. Some of the relevant studies will be cited in the notes below. In English, 
, Zhongguo zhexueshi yanjiu
, “
, 
(83–149), a descendant of Xunzi 
, father of Xun Shuang 
, the noted Yi jing scholar, and grandfather of Xun Yue 
, author of the Shen jian
, and Xun Yu 
. See Xun Shu's biography in Hou Han shu 62.2049. Xun Yu (163–212), in particular, was a key figure in late Han and early Wei politics. See Tang Changru 
, “Dong Han moqi de daxing mingshi” 
, in his 
, Li Ying 
, and Chen Shi 
. All three were leaders of the qingyi movement that pitted the literati against both the eunuchs and the maternal relatives of the imperial family. Li Gu was killed in 147 by Liang Ji 
, supreme commander and brother of two empresses, while Li Ying, who was also a native of Yingchuan, died in prison at the height of the purges or proscriptions against the qingyi “faction” (danggu
) in 169. Li Ying's aunt was the wife of Zhong Hao's brother, whose son, in turn, married Li Ying's sister. Li Gu's and Li Ying's biographies are found in Hou Han shu 63.2073–89 and 67.2191–97, respectively. Chen Shi (104–187), another famous son of Yingchuan, was known especially for his fairness and integrity; he was implicated during the proscriptions but was spared a violent death. See his biography in Hou Han shu 62.2065–69. Qingyi is translated as “righteous protest” in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 1, The Ch'in and Han Empires, ed. Denis Twitchett and Michael Loewe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 797; 327–30 discusses the danggu proscriptions. Also relevant is 
for Cao Cao. A few years later, Xun recommended Zhong You to Cao Cao (Sanguo zhi 10.311). Zhong You, having risen quickly in 216 to the position of Chief Minister or “Counselor-in-chief” (xiangguo
), suffered a political setback in 219—following the chronology in the biography of Cao Cao, Sanguo zhi 1.52—but was reinstated when Emperor Wen 
of Wei (Cao Pi 
, r. 220–226) ascended the throne. According to Zhong Hao's biography in the Hou Han shu (62.2065), Zhong You was the grandson of Zhong Hao. The commentary to Zhong You's biography in the Sanguo zhi, however, identifies Zhong You as Zhong Hao's great-grandson (13.392nl). The name “Zhong You” may also be pronounced “Zhong Yao.” I follow the standard reading here, although the second reading seems to find support from the Shishuo xinyu
, which contains an interesting entry relating how Emperor Wen of Jin (the posthumous title of Sima Zhao 
[211–265]) made fun of Zhong Hui by alluding to his father's name using the word “yao”
. See 
, 
, was a native of Changshe 
in Yingchuan. The family was a distinguished one in the commandery; and for generations it had been good at law … [Zhong Hao] taught the Shi
and law to over a thousand students” (62.2064); cf. Sanguo zhi 13.391nl.
had argued against the reinstatement of rouxing. Wang clearly saw the real intent of Zhong You's proposal, because death sentences could be commuted even under existing law. Given that Wang Lang died in 228, the debate before Emperor Ming must have taken place between 227 and 228. Wang Lang” s biography indicates that both he and Zhong You were known for their expertise in judging criminal cases. Whereas Wang Lang emphasized caution in applying punishment, that heavy punishment should be avoided whenever doubt existed (zuiyi congqing
), Zhong You was discerning in his judgment and meted out punishment proportionate to the crime (mingcha dangfa
). See Sanguo zhi 13.407. The reinstatement of rouxing was evidently a hotly debated topic at the time—see also, for example, Sanguo zhi 9.302n6, biography of Xiahou Xuan 
(209–254), who authored a treatise on corporal punishment; and Jin shu
30.921–26, “Treatise on Punishment and Law,” which explains that the motivation for reinstating rouxing lay in the ineffectiveness of existing laws to fight the rising crime rate. The Sanguo zhi 10.321n2 also mentions a debate on rouxing between Kong Rong 
(d. 208) and Xun Qi 
cf. Hou Han shu 70.2266, for Kong Rong's view on this issue. My concern here is simply whether Zhong You's emphasis on the rule of law would find expression in Zhong Hui's Laozi learning. The fact that Chen Qun was asked to develop his father's view may also serve as an indication of the place of family learning in early third-century China. Incidentally, Chen Qun's grandfather, Chen Shi, was a close friend of Zhong Hao (see n.4 above). For a summary of the debate on corporal punishment during the early Han period, see Han shu
23.1097–1105.
at the start of the Wei dynasty. Whereas Xiahou Xuan was an acknowledged leader of the Wei elite, Li Feng, as we shall see, participated in the debate on “capacity and nature.” Li Feng plotted with Xiahou Xuan against Sima Shi 
(208–255) and was killed immediately; the fate of his family, however, came under Zhong Yu's purview. The incident is reported in detail in Sanguo zhi 9.299–302, biography of Xiahou Xuan, where it is also mentioned that Zhong Hui wanted to befriend Xiahou Xuan after the latter had been arrested but was rebuffed (9.302n4). On this incident, see also Shishuo xinyu 5.6.
(462–521) in his commentary to the Shishuo xinyu 2.11. This reference has been omitted in Richard Mather's translation. Zhong Hui also refers to his father's Yi jing commentary (Sanguo zhi 28.785nl).
fig (209–256), the famous diviner, in a discussion of the Yi jing. The Sanguo zhi commentator, Pei Songzhi 
(372–451) relates that Zhong Yu challenged Guan on over twenty matters concerning the Yi jing and adds that he thought the difficulties Zhong had raised were truly exceptional. This would suggest that Zhong Yu at least thought of himself as a Yi jing expert. See Sanguo zhi 29.821–22, biography of Guan Lu.
.”
(d. ca. 300) is preserved in the commentary to Zhong Hui's; see Sanguo zhi 28.795–96nl. One of Wang Bi's forebears, Wang Chang 
(d. 169), was a student of Xun Shu and was presumably known to Zhong Hao as well; see Sanguo zhi 10.307nl. From a distinguished family in Shanyang commandery, Wang Chang was the son of Wang Gong 
, who came to associate with the leaders of the qingyi reform movement when he was governor of Runan 
, another leading center of learning near Yingchuan. In particular, Wang Gong became close to Chen Fan 
(d. 168), who would later bring Wang Chang into politics; see Hou Han shu 56.1819–26 and 66.2159. Wang Chang's son ended up serving under He Jin 
(d. 189), the strongman in government at the time. See Sanguo zhi 21.597–99, biography of Wang Can 
(d. 217), grandson of Wang Chang, for further details. Family connection may have been one reason why Wang Bi became a protégé of He Yan, grandson of He Jin, although this should not undermine Wang Bi's philosophical talent or He Yan's ability to identify and appreciate such talent. Similarly, it is possible that family history had brought Zhong Hui together with He Yan and Wang Bi. In this context, another young contemporary, Xun Rong 
, Xun Yu's grand-nephew, may be mentioned. The commentary to the biography of Xun Yu (Sanguo zhi 10.316nl), citing the “Family Records of the Xun Clan” (Xun shijiazhuan
) reports that Xun Rong, “styled Boya 
, was much celebrated (as a young intellectual) with Wang Bi and Zhong Hui. … He debated with Wang Bi and Zhong Hui on the meaning of the Laozi and the Yi jing.”
(179–251) engineered a takeover that led to the death of Cao Shuang, He Van, and other members of the faction. After Sima Yi's death, control of the Wei government came into the hands of his two sons, Sima Shi and Sima Zhao. In 265, the latter's son, Sima Yan 
(236–290) formally ended the reign of Wei and established the Jin dynasty (265–420).
, which Richard Lynn translates as “overlapping trigrams,” became current during the Han dynasty and was associated with such scholars as Zheng Xuan 
(127–200) and Yu Fan 
(ca. 170–ca. 239). A hexagram is formed by two trigrams; i.e., lines 1–3 and lines 4–6. To understand a hexagram, one can thus focus on the basic meaning of the two constituent trigrams. The method of “overlapping trigrams,” however, takes lines 2–4 and 3–5 to form another two trigrams, in terms of which the hexagram under examination may be explained more fully. Leaving aside the technical details, this serves above all to expand the field of external referents, to which the individual lines of the hexagram are seen to refer, in order to arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of the cosmos. See 
, took lines 3–5 to refer to the trigram kan
. See 
, 
) in the Yi jing (Sanguo zhi 28.795n1), which traces all phenomena to a necessary ontological foundation. See Richard Lynn, The Classic of Changes, 60–61; for a discussion of Wang Bi's departure from Han interpretations, see A. Chan, Two Visions of the Way, 29–32; and 
, Wang Sengqian identifies the caixing debate and Xi Kang’s famous discussion on music as basic to the repertoire of every learned speaker in philosophical debates; see Wang”s biography in Nan Qi shu
33.598–99. On Wang's work, see Yu Yingshi 
, “Wang Sengqian Jiezi shu yu Nanchao qingtan kaobian” 
, Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu jikan
(l993), 173–96. See also Yu's “Preface” to 
, “
, Journal of Oriental Studies
, whose view forms a part of the Siben lun, died in 251, Zhong's work should be dated before that time. It is difficult to say when the written work was completed, although it may be assumed that the four views themselves were established before Wang's death. This is because, as I shall argue, Wang Guang seems to have been the last to step into the debate, taking aim especially at Zhong Hui's position. It is not necessary to assume that there was actually a debate involving all the four proponents; conceivably, Fu Jia was the first to make known his view, which was circulated and against which the other three reacted separately.
(210–263); see Jin shu 49.1360.
47.2027; Xin Tang shu
59.1514.
, 
, attributed to Gu Huan 
, a noted Daoist master of the fifth century, is in fact an incomplete version of Zhang's work; see 
, 
edition of the work (Harvard-Yenching Index no. 710), in 
(Harvard-Yenching Index no. 725), 5.12b; in Dao zang, 14.340.
(Collected Works) in nine juan, to which a catalogue had been added during the Liang dynasty (502–557); and under the “miscellaneous” section (34.1006), a Churao lun
in five juan, a few lines from which have been preserved in the Song encyclopedic work, Taiping yulan
. See 
, 
style have been preserved in various sources; see Quan Sanguo wen, 25.1188.
, “Du Da zang zhaji” 
, reprinted in 
, in twelve juan, is collected in the Dao zang (Harvard-Yenching Index no. 718). All citations from Li Lin's work are from the Dao zang edition, 13.844–942.
, “
, in 
(
(1541–1620) cites Zhong's interpretation of chapter 25 in his commentary to the Laozi; the Qing scholar Wei Yuan 
(1794–1856) also refers to Zhong once in his commentary, the Laozi benyi
. But in all likelihood they were relying on the three sources identified here. In what follows, citations from Lu Deming's Laozi yinyi are from the Sibu beiyao
edition, appended to 
edition, which is in turn based on a Song edition (Taipei: Zhengzhong, 1971). For ease of reference, I will also give the corresponding page numbers in the readily available 6-volume edition of the 
, Harvard-Yenching Sinological Index Series, no. 26 (Peiping: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1935), 117, gives a partial list of citations from Zhong's Laozi zhu. A full list is given in 
, 
in the current version of the Wang Bi Laozi, Lu Deming remarks that Zhong Hui's text and several others’ have the word 
in place of 
. See 
in chapter 15 of the current Laozi, Lu Deming remarks, “
”; but he adds that according to Zhong Hui and the Liang emperor Wudi 
, the word is pronounced “
.”
, 
, 
, now contains only chapters 38–81 of the current Laozi. The best edition of the Laozi zhigui is that contained in the Dao zang (Harvard-Yenching Index no. 693), which clearly indicates that the work had originally thirteen juan, the first six of which have been lost. Judging from the available evidence, it can be accepted as a Han product. The Laozi text that accompanies Yan Zun's commentary agrees in many instances with the wording of the Mawangdui manuscripts. See 
, 
, the founder of the sect, or his grandson Zhang Lu 
. It is also incomplete; only the first part has survived, beginning with the middle of chapter 3 and ending with chapter 37 in the current chapter division of the Laozi. The central thesis of the commentary is that devotion to the Dao in terms of spiritual self-cultivation and compliance with its ethical precepts would assure boundless blessings in this life and beyond. On this work, see 
, 
, “mysterious virtue” or “profound virtue.” Unless stated otherwise, translations from the Laozi are based on the current Sibu beiyao edition. Rather than translating the Laozi in the light of Zhong Hui's commentary, I will generally offer a “minimalist,” literal reading so as to highlight the way in which Zhong Hui exercised his interpretive prerogative and made sense of the Laozi. This would also allow us to see more clearly how Zhong Hui compares with other commentators in the discussion that follows. Where appropriate, reference will be made to the following Laozi translations: 
, the vital energy that gives and sustains life, which will be discussed later. Zhong Hui's language here seems to support Brashier's main argument that hunpo does not divide into “a tidy dualism of a heaven-bound hun and an earth-bound po” (p. 158). I am grateful to an anonymous reader for Early China for reminding me of this. However, it should be noted that Heshanggong's commentary to this passage distinguishes hun from po.
, 137 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1986), 8.3265–66. For a detailed discussion of this passage, see 
, 
, 
(ca. 465–522) Wenxin diaolong; see 
(
). Cf. 
)—see Henricks, Lao-Tzu Te-Tao Ching, 211, and Lau, Chinese Classics: Tao Te Ching, 280—but there is no indication that the additional words are present in the text that Zhong Hui had seen and commented on.
, 
). The Wen xuan quotation, however, agrees with the Mawangdui manuscripts and the so-called “ancient version” (guben
). See Henricks, Lao-Tzu Te-Tao Ching, 214–15; and Lau, Chinese Classics: Tao Te Ching, 284. The Wen xuan version seems to contain one mistake; it reads, “Ceaseless, it cannot be talked about (yan).” In place of yan
, most versions read ming
; i.e., “it cannot be named.” Li Shan also cites Laozi chapter 21 here.
should be the correct reading, although the character resembles si
, which suggests stagnant water and does not seem to fit the imagery. Fan has the sense of water overflowing, or flowing endlessly, in addition to its more common meaning of “floating” along. Cf. Laozi ch. 34.
to refer to nine branches of the family involving relatives of one's father, mother, and wife. See 
, 
edition reads, “If the ruler does not have sufficient trust in (the people) below, then they will respond to the ruler insufficiently (buzu
) “In the light of other editions and Heshanggong's commentary on Laozi ch. 17, “buzu” should be emended to read “buxin” 
(mistrust). See Zheng Chenghai, Laozi Heshanggong zhu jiaoli, 157, and Wang Ka, Laozi Daode jing Heshanggong zhangju, 95.
, both the Wang Bi and Heshanggong texts have “
.” The Mawangdui versions read, “
”; see Henricks, Lao-Tzu Te-Tao Ching, 234–35.
. In place of liao, Lu Deming's version has mo
. Many scholars have argued that mo should be the original wording in Wang*s text; but the difference is relatively minor. 
” which is likely a quotation from Lu Deming.
, Congshu jicheng chubian
. Like the Wen xuan, the twoMawangdui manuscripts also do not have the words “ranhou.” The Heshanggong Sibu congkan edition reads: “
”.
(256–311); the wording here follows the emendation proposed by the Zhonghua shuju editors; see 43.1248n9.
) and “empty without shape” (kong wuxing
).
; the Wen xuan commentary to Sun Chuo's “Rhapsody on Roaming the Celestial Terrace Mountains” (11.9b, 500) offers a more concise version: “xuan means dark, silent, and not having any (characteristics of) being” 
.
) everything; but elsewhere Wang does emphasize that the Dao permeates all levels of existence (e.g., chs. 14, 43). The Heshanggong commentary to ch. 25 is more specific, identifying the perceived referents of Laozi's remarks: the Dao pervades heaven and earth; it does not get “burned” even when it is in the hottest place, or literally in the yang place; nor does it “rot” even in the dampest, most yin corner. Thus, it is “free from danger.”
), which Zhong Hui uses in his commentary on this passage, is often used in Heshanggong's commentary and Han cosmological writings in general to suggest a “turbid” form of qi with a heavier yin concentration.
) is simple by nature like an uncarved block and does not have any (ostensible) shape or appearance.”
). This does not detract from Wang Bi's methodological point that “principle” (li
) and “actuality” cannot be discussed and understood unless one is able to “distinguish names” (bianming
). Names render possible the meaningful differentiation of phenomena and are a condition for understanding, without which forms cannot be determined and their basis or reason of being understood. See Wang Bi's shorter writing on the Laozi, the Laozi zhilüe
, in Lou Yulie, Wang Bi ji jiaoshi, 199.
(d. 312) and Pei 
(267–300). The latter was the author of two treatises entitled Chongyou and Guiwu; Sanguo zhi 23.673n2. See Tang Yongtong, Wei Jin xuanxue lungao
, collected in Tang Yongtong xueshu lunwen ji, 191–306. Also see 
, et al., 
, 
, 
, 
, 
) would translate into policies that allow the people to live in peace, enjoy the plenitude of nature, and be true to themselves. The ruler may be likened to the base or main trunk of a tree, and in this sense the ruler must enable the people, the “branches,” to flourish. But, the “branches” also suggest artificiality, alienation, deviancy, and other opposites of wuwei; and the ruler has a responsibility to put them to rest. The idea of “honoring the roots and putting to rest the branches” (chongben ximo
) derives from Han political philosophy. The Later Han scholar Wang Fu 
(d. 157), for example, argues that the key to proper governance lies in “cultivating the roots and curbing the branches” (wuben yimo
) and that creating wealth for the people and education are the “roots” and foundation of great peace. 
) in 
, Xinbian zhuzi jicheng
edition (
(Explaining the Laozi), which points out that the loss of “virtue” stems from confusion in one's “essence and spirit” (jingshen
), which in turn is caused by the departure of one's “soul” (hunpo). 
, 
(Illustrating the Laozi), 392; see also ch. 31,570, which alludes to Laozi ch. 36.
; see 
). which has a certain “standard” and “model” (fafan
); ibid., 1691nl.
.” Sanguo zhi 15.468, biography of Sima Lang 
, elder brother of Sima Yi. Sima Lang's own view will be introduced shortly.
, 
(fl. 227–249), a key figure in early Wei intellectual history, whose discussion with Wang Bi provides important insight for our understanding of Wang” s philosophy; see Wagner, The Craft of a Chinese Commentator, 129–33. Zhong Hui's expertise in identifying talent and assessing a person's character is also recognized. He later recommended Pei Kai to office based on his assessment that Pei was “pure and penetrating” (qingtong
); see Shishuo xinyu 8.5 and 8.6; cf. 1.17; Sanguo zhi 23.674n2; Jin shu 35.1047. The idea that a person's “inner” being can be judged by the “brightness” of his eyes has a long history—see, for example, Mencius, 4A15 and 7A21. Mencius, too, seems to work with the assumption that human nature is fundamentally constituted by qi; see esp. Mencius 2A2. A recent article on this issue is 
, not only does it heal any illness I may have, but I am also aware of my spirit and intelligence becoming receptive and lucid‘.” Shishuo xinyu 2.14; as translated in Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 36. The commentator Liu Jun adds, “Although the prescription … originated during the Han period, its users were few … It was … He Yan who first discovered its divine properties, and from his time on it enjoyed a wide currency in the world.” On the use of drugs by the literati during the Wei-Jin period, see the classic study by 
, “
, in his 
) is recognized in the Heshanggong commentary (ch. 54). Proper Daoist cultivation can bring about “long life and lasting presence” (changsheng jiushou
), a state in which the qi-energy has become exceedingly pure such that it would enable the man of Dao to “return to the infinite” (ch. 28). However, the commentary does not recommend any active striving for it, which would contravene the ideal of naturalness. Rather, “the myriad things ought to follow their (allotted) time of life and death, and must not only want to live perpetually for time without end” (ch. 10; translation adapted from 
) (e.g, chs. 6, 7,13, 30; see also chs. 16, 33) and argues that immortality can be attained through effort (ch. 19). To be sure, there were scholars who denied the existence of immortals during the Han and early Wei periods. Yang Xiong 
(53 
(27-ca. 100) even more critical views were probably a source of influence for Wang Bi, to whom immortality was not an issue. Perhaps this is a feature of the scholarship of the Jingzhou 
academy, to which Wang Bi's xuanxue learning has been traced. Nevertheless, it appears that the belief in the existence of immortals enjoyed widespread support. Yu Fan, the noted Yi jing scholar and author of a Laozi commentary, was openly critical of the claim of immortals, for which he was exiled to the far south; see Sanguo zhi 57.1321.
, 
reign (249–254) that immediately followed, despite the fact that Xi Kang had refused his friendly overtures.
attempt to resolve the debate in the fourth century.
); cf. Vincent Shih, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, 201. Zhong Hui's expertise in mingli should be assessed in this context. Wang Can and Zhong You both maintained that only sages are capable of realizing great peace (see n.104 above). Zhong Hui, as we will see presently, developed Fu Jia's position in the debate on capacity and nature. The Wenxin diaolong here (18.185) also praises Fu Jia's discussion on caixing. Wang Fu had earlier observed in his Qianfu lun (2.7, “Kao ji” 
), “What is of names and principles (mingli) must be verified in reality. Then indeed no office would abandon its duty, and no position would be filled by the wrong person”; Qianfu lun jian jiaozheng, 65. Those who were attracted to Wang Bi's version of xuanxue understandably would find Zhong Hui lacking in his approach to the mysterious Dao. However, as suggested earlier, this is a value judgment that we need not make in this discussion. The argument here is simply that Zhong Hui's approach is consistent and that it represents a major current in early xuanxue philosophy.
played a role in Fu Jia's rescue.
, who plotted to enthrone another member of the Cao clan and thus to establish a rival regime against the Sima government after 249. Wang Ling committed suicide in the fifth month of 251, and Wang Guang was killed shortly after. Wang Guang, whom Jiang Ji had praised highly, died in his forties; see Sanguo zhi 28.757–61 and 4.124. I have examined the caixing debate more closely in a separate article, “What are the Four Roots of Capacity and Nature?” which will appear in a memorial volume for Julia Ching edited by Vincent Shen. Here, I focus on the main argument, leaving aside the historical details and the issues relating to appointment of officials and the perceived concentration of power at the Personnel Secretariat (libu
).
, in 
; Pei Songzhi, however, doubted the veracity of this report.
, Shisan jing zhushu
, Sibu beiyao
, who served under Cao Cao; see Sanguo zhi 11.335–36nl.
, 21, and collected by 
by Liu Shao 
); translated by 
, “Sai sei shihon ron no seikaku to seiritsu” 
, Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū
28, Bungaku
10(1962), 29–42, which examines the views of Tang Changru and Aoki Masaru 
on this debate. See also Horüke Nobuo, Kan Gi shisōshi kenkyū, 432–34.
75.1875, biography of Gu Huan, for Gu's assessment of the debate toward the end of the fifth century.
(d. 257), who was appointed libu shangshu
(Director of the Personnel Secretariat) in charge of civil appointments in 236. He was replaced by He Yan in that key post at the start of the Zhengshi reign; see Sanguo zhi 22.652, biography of Lu Yu. The Sanguo zhi elsewhere relates that He Yan and his circle of friends had long thought ill of Lu and, when they came into power, tried to remove him from office (9.284, biography of Cao Shuang). Like Sima Lang, Lu argued for leniency as a guiding principle in the application of punishment. In the assessment of individuals and appointment of officials, Lu “first considered their moral integrity (xing- xing
) before addressing their ability (cai).” When Li Feng, who was then junior to Lu, asked him why, Lu replied, “Cai is what enables one to do good. Thus, (a person of) great capacity (should) achieve great goodness, whereas (one of) small capacity achieves goodness to a small degree. Now, if someone is said to be capable and yet he cannot do good, this means that (his) capacity does not fit its proper use (
). Li Feng and others conceded that his argument was sound.” Sanguo zhi 22.650–52. This is a difficult passage—whereas Wang Xiaoyi, Zhongguo wenhua de qingliu, 98, takes it as indicative of Li Feng's position, Wang Baoxuan, Zhengshi xuanxue, 409, suggests that it is closer to Fu Jia's identity thesis. Neither provides explicit justification. My view is that, for Lu Yu, cai is decisive and encompasses both moral integrity and ability. In one sense, cai simply refers to a person's ability to produce results. If cai is divorced from moral integrity, it can do great harm to society. Thus, priority is given to moral effort, which serves to establish the proper meaning of cai. However, Lu's argument does not necessarily entail that cai is inborn. The greatest capacity by definition should yield the greatest good; but it is conceivable that cai could result from learning. The important point is to ensure that reputation is matched by performance, as Lu emphasizes in response to an edict by Emperor Ming (Sanguo zhi, ibid.). If Lu is saying that performance, be it political or moral, requires effort and training, he may have influenced Li Feng in developing the view that nature and capacity are different.
), according to Wang Bi, but it is that which makes possible moral rectitude and correctness. Wang Baoxuan, Zhengshi xuanxue, 375, argues that Zhong Hui also shares this view, citing Zhong's commentary to Laozi ch. 16 as evidence; but it appears that he did not have access to all the surviving quotations from Zhong's work, which as a whole testify to a view of human nature in the sense of dispositions as being determined by one's qi-endowment. Again, although one may be born with fine qualities, whether they develop into anything of worth depends on effort. The centrality of fa reflects the concern that except for sages, nature requires judicious management to reach its proper end.
) and meaning (yi
). According to the early Jin scholar Ouyang Jian 
, both Zhong Hui and Fu Jia made use of the view that “words do not exhaust meaning” (yan bujin yi
) to support their arguments on caixing. As quoted in Yiwen leiju,19, and collected in Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen 109.2084; see Tang Yongtong, “Yanyi zhi bian” 
, in his Wei Jin xuanxue lungao, 215. As far as Zhong Hui is concerned, it is possible that, like his approach to caixing, he also considered words to be necessary but not sufficient for full disclosure of meaning. However, recall that one of Zhong Hui's treatises on the Yi jing is entitled the Zhou Yi jinshen lun, which seems to suggest that the Yi jing can bring out fully the meaning of spirituality and the Dao. This would be closer to the idea that in principle the inner flows directly into the outer. Perhaps a distinction could be made between “words” and the linear symbols of the Yi jing. Whereas the former are not only cognitive but also tied to emotions, which would render them imperfect instruments for the expression of the highest truth, the latter are free from affective distortions. Wang Baoxuan, Zhengshi xuanxue, 349, makes the novel point that Zhong Hui followed his father's view in regarding calligraphy as the ideal vehicle that alone could “exhaust” meaning. There is no further record of Zheng's involvement in the yanyi debate. Wang Bi's position, as is well known, is that “words” must be “forgotten” before “meaning” can be understood. See A. Chan, Two Visions of the Way, 32–34; and Wagner, Language, Ontology, and Political Philosophy in China, ch. 1. On the idea that the classics embody a unified truth, see also 
] (‘discuss similarities and differences’), so that all lines of thought may be traced to their common source” (39nl9). Wei-Jin philosophical debates seem to have been motivated by a similar concern, which, given the evident political interest, perhaps should be distinguished from the kind of logical inquiry into the semantics of “identity and difference” characteristic of the “School of Names” (mingjia
) in early Chinese philosophy.
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