This special issue of Development and Psychopathology is devoted to developmental approaches to the study of depression. Because the developmental perspective has only recently begun to be applied to the study of the mood disorders, it is hardly surprising that relatively little work exists that focuses on the relation between developmental processes and the affective disorders.

Early attempts to view depression from a developmental perspective primarily involved targeting a particular psychological or psychobiological mechanism known to occur in adult depression in order to discern the possible operation of this process throughout the course of ontogenesis (Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1986; Rutter, 1986). Even within the limits of these earlier efforts to consider the implications of the developmental perspective for elucidating the understanding of the affective disorders, it became apparent that there were many domains of development that needed to be taken into account (most notably, socioemotional, cognitive, linguistic, social-cognitive, neurobiological, and neurochemical; see Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1986; Puig-Antich, 1986; Radke-Yarrow & Zahn-Waxler, 1990; Zahn-Waxler & Kochanska, 1990).

Moreover, from the integrative perspective of developmental psychopathology, it is argued that it is essential to engage in a comprehensive evaluation of those factors (e.g., biological, psychological, environmental, social, intrafamilial; cf. Cicchetti & Aber, 1986) that may influence the nature of individual differences, the continuity of adaptive or maladaptive behavioral patterns, and the different pathways by which the same developmental outcomes may be achieved (Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1986; Kovacs, 1986; Rutter, 1986; Sroufe & Rutter, 1984). In practice, this entails a comprehension of and appreciation for the developmental transformations and reorganizations that occur over time; an analysis of the risk and protective factors and mechanisms operating in the child and his or her environment; the investigation of how emergent functions, competencies, and developmental tasks modify the expression of a disorder or lead to new symptoms and difficulties; and the recognition that a particular stress or underlying mechanism may result in different behavioral difficulties, at different times in the developmental process and in different contexts (Cicchetti & Aber, 1986; Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1984; Garber, 1984; Garber & Dodge, 1991; Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, & Finkelstein, 1984; Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, Pollack, & Finkelstein, 1984; Nurcombe, in press; Rutter, 1986).

The rate of depression rises overall between childhood and adolescence, and by early adulthood depression is twice as common in women as in men. However, study results are conflicting as to the relative rates of depression in prepubertal boys and girls, and it is not clear whether the rates in adolescent boys rise, fall, or remain steady. It is also uncertain when in adolescence the female preponderance emerges. A number of studies point to effects of the biological developments of puberty as having an important place in these changes. From a developmental point of view, the fact that the hormonal and physical changes of puberty differ in boys and girls, mean that a “biological explanation” fits in well with the gender differentiation in rates of depression across puberty. In a sample of 3,519 8–16-year-old psychiatric patients, both boys and girls shared increasing levels of depression across this age range, but the rate of increase was faster in girls. There was no difference in the rates of depression between boys and girls before the age of 11, but by the age of 16 girls were twice as likely as boys to have significant depressive symptomatology. When age was controlled for, pubertal status had no effect on depression scores. Thus, these results did not support the idea that the biological changes of puberty are a primary motive force in producing the changes in the sex ratio in depression in adolescence. Therefore, further research on this topic needs not only to address the etiology of depression in young people, but also to search for etiologic factors with differential distributions or effects on boys and girls.

The transition to parenthood marks a major milestone in family development that is especially difficult for roughly 10% of postpartum women who develop clinical depressions serious enough to interfere with daily functioning. Relatively little is known about the course of postpartum depression, the factors associated with its onset or severity, or its impact on the quality of mother-infant interaction. We studied 70 depressed women and 59 demographically matched nondepressed women delivering their first child and then followed them longitudinally through 24 months. Although the majority of depressions had remitted by 6 months postpartum, some women were depressed throughout the follow-up period, and others continued to evidence subclinical symptoms, indicating that depression in postpartum women can be relatively chronic. Depressed women differed from comparison women on measures of personal and family history, their adaptation to pregnancy, and minor pregnancy and delivery complications. They also perceived their infants as more difficult to care for and their husbands as less supportive. A combination of these variables accounted for 49% of the variance in depression severity scores at 2 months. Depressed women also showed less positive engagement and more negative affect when observed with their infants at 2 months. Spouse support and maternal positive engagement with the baby at 2 months differentiated between those with more chronic versus short-lived depressions. The implications of these findings for the woman's and her infant's development are discussed.

Literature is reviewed demonstrating the impact of maternal depression on early infant interactions and development. Infants of depressed mothers (a) develop a depressed mood style as early as 3 months; (b) this mood generalizes to interactions with nondepressed women; (c) it persists over the first year if the mother's depression persists; and (d) it affects growth and Bayley developmental scores by the end of the first year. Other data are reviewed on individual differences including maternal depression styles of withdrawal and intrusion, negative behavior matching, and distorted perceptions of behavior. Finally, genetic, intrauterine, and extrauterine environment effects are discussed and interventions are suggested for altering the mother's depressed behavior and distorted perceptions. The review concludes that a developmental psychopathology perspective is needed to better understand the development of early depression.

Evidence suggests that the left frontal region is specialized for the expression of positive emotions, such as joy, whereas the right frontal region is specialized for certain negative emotions, such as distress. We previously reported that infants of mothers with depressive symptoms exhibited atypical patterns of frontal electroencephalographic (EEG) activity. We now extend these findings by examining the combined influence of maternal depression and attachment security on the infant's behavior and brain activity. Participants were 26 infants, 11–17 months of age, and their mothers. Twelve mothers reported elevated levels of depressive symptoms. Attachment behavior was observed in the traditional Strange Situation. While left and right, frontal and parietal EEG was recorded, infants were exposed to a baseline and three emotion-eliciting conditions (play with mother, stranger approach, maternal separation). During baseline and the condition designed to elicit positive emotion (play with mother), securely attached infants of symptomatic mothers exhibited reduced left frontal brain activity, compared to securely attached infants of nonsymptomatic mothers. During maternal separation, the most robust finding was that infants of symptomatic mothers, regardless of their attachment classification, exhibited reduced right frontal activity and lower levels of behavioral distress. The results suggest that both the mother's emotional well-being and her attachment relationship with her infant can influence infant frontal brain activity and affective behavior.

This study examined family-level and child-level influences on diversity in depression and aggression among children at risk. Data were from 144 children aged 7–14 years. A procedure introduced by Lavori, Keller, Beardslee, and Dorer (1988) was used to correct for the inclusion of more than one child from each family. Family-level influences examined were maltreatment and parental psychopathology. Maladjustment was highest in children of psychiatrically ill parents from maltreating homes and lowest in children of psychiatrically ill parents from nonmaltreating homes. Child-level influences examined were social cognition, intelligence, early developmental difficulties, sex, and age. Independent of family risk status, younger male children with high social-cognitive skills and no early developmental difficulties were least depressed. Child characteristics were less predictive of aggression. Overall, this study shows that efforts to explain diversity in high-risk children's development benefit from attending to all the offspring of high-risk parents and to multiple interacting family risk factors.

This investigation explored differences in depressive symptomatology among low-socioeconomic status children aged 7–12 years from abusive (N = 46), neglectful (N = 35), and nonmaltreating (N = 72) homes. Measures of aggression and self-esteem also were included. Children from abusive homes evidenced significantly more depressive symptomatology than children from either neglectful or nonmaltreating families. Additionally, children from physically abusive homes exhibited lower self-esteem than did nonmaltreated children. While significant differences among groups on aggression did not emerge, all groups evidenced higher levels of acting out behaviors than would be expected in a nonclinic group of children. Results were discussed in terms of the effects of physical abuse on depression and the importance of intervening to prevent the deleterious effects of abuse. Additionally, the impact of neglect and poverty status on the presence of aggression was discussed.

Werner's orthogenetic principle states that human behavior proceeds from a state of global diffuseness to one of articulated complexity, and that as individuals develop, their responses to the environment become more specific and more differentiated. The present study evaluated this hypothesis, in relation to psychopathology in general and depression in particular. Child Behavior Checklist responses for 1, 345 outpatient and inpatient children and adolescents were compared along two developmental dimensions: age and clinical severity. Results failed to support the hypothesis that the psychopathology in general is more differentiated among older and more severely disturbed children. The findings did indicate, however, that depression was more distinct among the older, more severely disturbed subjects. Finally, little evidence of a categorical depression was found in any of the four age by severity groups.

The current study examines outcomes at Grade 8 for boys who, at Grade 6, displayed elevated, though not necessarily clinical, levels of conduct problems and depressive symptoms. An at-risk community sample of 203 early adolescent boys in the Oregon Youth Study, a multimethod/multiagent study, was divided into the following groups at Grade 6: (a) co-occurring conduct problems and depressed mood, (b) conduct problems only, (c) depressed mood only, and (d) neither problem. The four groups were compared at Grade 8 on family management and boy's adjustment, using multivariate analyses of variance. The groups were compared also on relationships with parents, delinquency, and suicidal ideation. As hypothesized, conduct problems showed higher stability than depressive symptoms from Grade 6 to Grade 8. The conduct-problem-only boys and boys with co-occurring conduct problems and depressive symptoms continued to show considerable adjustment deficits at Grade 8, whereas boys with only depressive symptoms showed some improvement. The co-occurring group showed elevated levels of suicidal ideation. As hypothesized, conduct problems at Grade 6 were predictive of increases in depressed mood by Grade 8, but depressed mood was not predictive of an increase in the conduct problems measure. Results are consistent with a failure model whereby lack of skill and noxious behavior lead to pervasive failures and vulnerability to depressed mood.

Concurrent and predictive relations among aggression, peer rejection, and self-reported depressive symptoms were examined in 521 third-, fourth-, and fifth-grade children at three time points over 1 year. Increases in aggression were significantly associated with increases in depression, and this relation was mediated, in part, through increases in peer rejection. The relation between peer-reported rejection and depression was mediated by perceived rejection. Finally, we found support for the cognitive diathesis-stress model of depression in children. Controlling for initial levels of depression and peer rejection, the interaction between stress (increases in peer rejection) and a depressogenic attributional style contributed significantly to the prediction of self-reported depressive symptoms 1 year later.

The primary goal of this study was to examine a theoretically based model of psychosocial risk factors and mediators leading to suicidal ideation in a normative sample of young adolescents, ages 12–15 years. Three self-report instruments were employed to tap the constructs of interest, the Self-Perception Profile for Children (Harter, 1985a), The Dimensions of Depression Profile (Harter, Nowakowski, & Marold, 1988), and the Social Support Scale for Children (Harter, 1985b). Utilizing path-analytic techniques, the best-fitting model includes, as potential antecedents, two self-concept clusters—(a) appearance, peer likability, and athletic competence and (b) scholastic competence and behavioral conduct—and two sources of social support — peer approval and parent approval. Paths from each of these constructs lead to a depression composite of affect, global self-worth, and hopelessness. The composite, in turn, functions as a mediator with a direct path to suicidal ideation. Comparisons of two subgroups of depressed adolescents defined by this composite, those with and without suicidal ideation, are also presented. The findings are discussed in terms of the need for theoretically based models that have implications for prevention and intervention in normative populations of adolescents.

One pathway to depression in children and adults is hypothesized to result from complex transactions among cognitive, stress, and interpersonal variables. Cognitive vulnerability includes not only appraisals of events and circumstances that emphasize personal unworthiness and incompetence, but also underlying beliefs and “working models” of the self and others. Such cognitions arise in part in the context of maladaptive attachment relations with the parents and may be reinforced by interpersonal incompetencies and difficulties in peer, family, and social relationships. Stressful conditions in early life and throughout development may undermine or erode the development of effective coping competencies. Moreover, maladaptive cognitions about the self and others, and ineffective coping competencies, may contribute to the occurrence of stressful events and circumstances —and these in turn may trigger depressive reactions. For many depressed people with chronic or recurrent depression, therefore, developmental processes play critical roles in the origin and continuation of the disorder.

Urban, J., Carlson, E., Egeland, B., & Sroufe, L. A. (1991). Patterns of individual adaptation across childhood. Development and Psychopathology, 3, 445-460.

Page 459, Appendix: The list under “High functioning child with avoidant attachment history (male)” … “Bottom 5. (ending with lowest item–least characteristic)” should read: (24) Tends to brood and ruminate or worry. (22) Tries to manipulate others by ingration (e.g., by charm, coyness, or seductiveness). (53) Tends to be indecisive and vacillating. (23) Is fearful and anxious. (77) Appears to feel unworthy; thinks of self as “bad.” (94) Tends to be sulky or whiny.