Perceptions of numbers (numerical estimations of migrant flows) and mental images (beliefs about characteristics and motives of immigrants) have been shown to be important predictors of cross-national immigration attitudes. However, this finding has seldom been verified in Canada. As a result, we know little about how Canadians estimate the amount and type of migrants coming into the country, what drives the generation of these numbers and images, and what the consequences of numerical estimations and mental images of immigration are for public attitudes toward immigration. Using nationally representative cross-sectional survey data from 2019, this article reports that Canadians generally overestimate the number of refugees and asylum-seekers coming into the country but are comparatively less prone to overestimating the overall number of immigrants. Canadians also rely on mental images about the reasons for immigrating to Canada that diverge from the realities of Canada's immigration program. We document how reliance on these numbers and images is driven by the type of media consumed, feelings of threat, and individual-level characteristics of Canadians. In doing so, this article demonstrates that mental images strongly influence Canadians’ attitudes toward immigration; numerical estimates also matter, but less so. Furthermore, perceptions of the number of migrants arriving affect latent preferences toward immigration—such as ethnocentrism, perceptions of “threat,” and border insecurity—while mental images shape both preferences for lowering immigration intake and latent preferences.

It is possible that the current “crisis” in French-English relations in Canada has been helped to its present pitch through a simple lack of understanding of the roots of French-Canadian discontent on the part of English Canadians, rather than as the result of a clash between irreconcilable ends. Two of the most common manifestations of this lack of understanding are to be seen in the lines of argument so often employed by English Canadians in discussing constitutional questions. The first has a long and honourable history, going back at least as far as 1887. Moreover, it enjoys the distinction of having seen active service down through the years on both sides in the various English-French and Dominion-provincial disputes.

The error in question is that of basing constitutional arguments upon an interpretation of the intentions of the Fathers of Confederation. This basis of argument has been invoked by both the compact theorists, among the upholders of provincial rights, and the “Judicial Committee ruined our Constitution” school among the centralists. (This word is used in a non-pejorative sense, although it seems to have acquired pejorative overtones in recent years.) The Fathers of Confederation were practical politicians attempting to deal with the practical political problems of the mid-nineteenth century, and it was with reference to these problems and to the contemporary value systems of the various communities of British North America that they conceived the series of compromises embodied in the British North America Act. To credit the Confederation settlement of a century ago with eternal validity is to credit the Fathers with a prescience which they simply did not possess.

Decades of research have established the direct influence of partisanship on voter perception of a host of real-world conditions. Even so, numerous factors have been found to moderate this “partisan bias.” We examine one plausible moderator: the volume of perceptually relevant information that is available in the mass media. Both dissonance-theoretic and motivated-reasoning formulations of partisan bias in political perception suggest that the availability of perceptually relevant information may constrain perceptual bias. Yet this proposition has rarely been investigated systematically. This article investigates the moderation of partisan bias by informational conditions, focusing on the impact of economic news on economic perceptions during five Canadian general elections (1993–2006). Although the overall pattern is mixed, evidence suggests that bias reduction in response to information depends on the broader economic and political context.

This study examines the problem of achieving linguistic equivalence in Canada-wide surveys that rely, as they must, on two different questionnaires, one in English and one in French. It is argued that this is a crucial problem which needs to be dealt with squarely. Since language does not coincide neatly with territorial boundaries in Canada, there will always be some francophones outside Quebec and some non-francophones within Quebec who are not interviewed in their first language. A comparison of responses given in both languages by members of the same language group enables the investigator to distinguish true cultural differences from mere artifacts of measurement. That methodology is applied to one specific issue, support for electoral democracy.

Pierre Bédard, leader of the French Canadian party in the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada from 1792 until 1812, and a staunch defender of British political institutions, is compared with two of his compatriots whose opinion of the British system is less admiring. To understand the dilemma of colonial politics Bédard attempts to reconcile the idea of tolerance and freedom that he finds in British constitutional authorities like Locke and Blackstone with his perception, illuminated by those same authorities, that British rule in Lower Canada was intolerant. What emerges is an unmatched description of the constitutional principle enabling free criticism of government in Parliament and in the press. Blanchet and Taschereau, in contrast, provide an argument that promotes reflection on the limits of political dissent even in an essentially tolerant polity.

Abstract. In this paper I examine some of the allegorical connections Machiavelli made in his unfinished poem L'Asino (The Ass) and make the case that they shed new light on the historical embeddedness of the more overtly political works, especially The Prince. When read alongside The Prince, L'Asino indicates what led Machiavelli to involve himself in politics in the first place, what he hoped to gain by his role as advisor and, afterwards, what his reaction was to his apparent failure to make his case effectively. It also offers us clues as to how Machiavelli conceived of his role as advisor to the Medici and highlights the anger he felt at having allowed himself to believe that his suggestions would be accepted without question and acted upon in the spirit in which they were intended. Some of the most important aspects of the poem I deal with focus on political metamorphoses, especially the prince's apotheosis into a successful Icarus and Machiavelli's less successful transition into Chiron the centaur. I also examine the allegorical significance of Diana and Circe, the message of the Abbot of Gaeta, and the implications of the Dantean allusions in the poem and perhaps most importantly the historical implications of the opening passage for Machiavelli's early entry into the political life of his patria.

Résumé. Dans cet essai, je montre J'indique comment certains liens allégoriques, établis par Machiavel etablit dans son poème inachevé, l'asino L'Âne (l'ane), font la lumière sur l'imbriquement historique des oeuvres machiavéliques de nature plus explicitement politique, surtout L e Prince. La lecture de l'asino L'Âne en parallèl avec Le Prince, indique indique à la fois ce qui d'abord porta Machiavel à se mêler de politique, ce qu'il espérait gagner en tant que conseiller et, par suite, ce que fut sa réaction face devant son incapacité dea son inabilite a soutenir sa cause. Une telle lecture offre également des indices sur sa façon de concevoir son rôle de conseiller aux Médicis et met en relief la rage qu'il éprouva pour s'être permis de croire que ses conseils seraient accueiqueillis sans questions et qu'on leur donnerait suite dans l'esprit même dans lequel ils furent avaient ét proférés. D'importants aspects aspects du poème traitent de métamorphoses politiques, telles l'apothéose du prince en Icare vainqueur et la moins heureuse transition de Machiavel en Chiron le centaure. J'examine également la légende de Ninus et Sardanapalus, le sens allégorique de Diane et de Circé, le message de l'abbé de Gaëte, le sens des allusions dantesques et boéthiennes et, ce qui est peut-être le plus important,, peut etre plus important, les implications historiques de la première partie du poème pour l'entré de Machiavel dans la vie politique de sa patrie.

Résumé. Une analyse de contenu de la couverture médiatique des campagnes électorales fédérales 2005–2006 et 2008 par des réseaux de radio et de télévision de langue française montre un effet du financement des médias sur le mode de cadrage de la campagne et sur le ton, plus ou moins critique, que les journalistes adoptent vis-à-vis des politiciens et des partis politiques qu'ils couvrent. Ainsi, plus un média est imperméable à la concurrence, plus ses journalistes s'attardent à la couverture des enjeux et plus le ton de leur couverture est descriptif. Nous constatons aussi que c'est lorsqu'ils cadrent la campagne sous l'angle de la course et des stratégies que les journalistes sont les plus critiques à l'endroit des politiciens, par opposition au cadrage orienté vers les enjeux.

Abstract. A content analysis of media coverage during the 2005–2006 and 2008 Canadian federal elections by French-language radio and television networks provides evidence of a significant impact of funding mode on campaign framing and journalists' tone towards politicians and political parties. The more a media outlet is shielded from market competition, the more likely are its journalists to frame the campaign through an issue schema and to feature a descriptive tone. We also present evidence that journalists are less descriptive as they cover the campaign through horse-race journalism rather than issue journalism.

Abstract. Canadian political parties have been using the Internet as a campaign tool since the 1997 election. Rebuilding Canadian Party Politics by Carty, Cross and Young (2000) presents one of the first analyses of Internet-based communications during a Canadian election. It is also one of the most important assessments of Canadian party systems. The book outlines the components that characterize the fourth party system, which they argue, began after the 1993 election. Regionalization is the defining characteristic of this emerging system. The book argues that the Internet, like other communication technologies, is important in this latest party system. Consistent with the notion of regionalized campaign communications, the authors suggest that Canadian political parties use the Internet to target campaign messages to different regional and sociodemographic groups and enter into private conversations with voters. Using original data collected from the 2004 federal election, this paper reflects on these claims. The paper builds the case that the use of the Internet as a campaign tool is not consistent with their argument. Internet-based campaign communications in Canada by the major parties is neither regionalized nor targeted. Rather, this technology makes campaign communication more transparent and centralized.

Résumé. Au Canada, les partis politiques utilisent Internet comme outil de campagne depuis l'élection de 1997. Rebuilding Canadian Party Politics, par Carty, Cross et Young (2000), présente l'une des premières analyses des communications sur Internet pendant une campagne électorale. Il constitue aussi l'une des plus importantes évaluations des systèmes des partis politiques canadiens. Le livre dégage également les éléments qui caractérisent le système à quatre partis qui est né, selon eux, après l'élection de 1993. La régionalisation est la caractéristique déterminante de ce nouveau système. Le livre soutient qu'Internet, comme les autres technologies de communication, est important pour ce nouveau système à quatre partis. Conformément à la notion de communications de campagne régionalisées, les auteurs suggèrent que les partis politiques canadiens utilisent Internet pour cibler les messages de campagne selon les différents groupes régionaux et sociodémographiques et engager des conversations privées avec les électeurs. Le présent article examine ces affirmations à partir des données recueillies lors de l'élection fédérale de 2004. Il établit que l'utilisation d'Internet comme outil de campagne ne cadre pas avec leur argument. Les campagnes de communication sur Internet menées par les principaux partis au Canada ne sont ni régionalisées ni ciblées. Cette technologie rend plutôt les communications des campagnes électorales plus transparentes et plus centralisées.

Abstract. This article describes how the remembrance of historical events contributes to, and is shaped by, nationalism in Ireland and Quebec. Remembered historical events contribute to the growth of nationalism if they serve at least one of five purposes: defining the conceptual boundaries of the nation, reinforcing a sense of pride in the nation's achievements, evoking feelings of pity and indignation at the losses suffered by the nation, legitimizing the actions or principles of present-day leaders, or inspiring a belief that the nation will eventually triumph. Eight remembered events, four in Ireland and four in Quebec, are discussed in relation to these five purposes. The article concludes that historical remembrance has been a more powerful influence on nationalism in Ireland than in Quebec.

Résumé. Cet article raconte comment le souvenir des évenements historiques contribue au renforcement du nationalisme en Irlande et au Québec. Le souvenir d'un évenement historique aura cet effet s'il aide … definir la communauté nationale,s'il stimule des sentiments de la pitié et de l'indignation envers la nation et ses tribulations, s'il légitime les actions et les idées des nationalistes actuels, ou s'il encourage l'esperance que la nation va triompher contre ses adversaires. L'article examine quatre evenements historiques, irlandais ou québécois, avec le but de déterminer s'ils contribuent … ces cinq objectifs. Selon sa conclusion, l'influence des souvenirs historiques a été plus puissante en Irlande q'au Québec, ce qui explique la plus grande intensité du nationalisme irlandais.

There was a dirt road through our village. A few weeks before an election the government party's poll captain, who was ex officio the local road superintendent, would announce that the boys down in Halifax had instructed him to get her ready for pavin'. Men were hired to spread gravel, cut bushes and widen ditches…. The Saturday before election day the work stopped, and three or four years later (sooner if there was a by-election) they got her ready for pavin' again.

A review of contributions to the resource conservation literature shows that sustainability problems are seen as caused by “common property.” This “tragedy of the commons” is understood as the result of the failure to assign fully property rights to individuals. The supporting assumptions and premises to these “privatarian” arguments are explicated and examined. After refuting the main premises, it is argued that the application of neoclassical assumptions and premises overlooks other legitimate forms of ownership as effective solutions to the tragedy of the commons. In revisiting other categories of ownership, the limits of privatarianism are identified and the prospects for solutions to sustainability problems are expanded.

Abstract. Using OLS regression with World Values Survey data across 18 OECD countries, this article makes two major arguments. Firstly, if a dominant party is ideologically congruent with an individual, its dominance enhances the effect of party ideology on individual ideology. If incongruent, greater dominance only inhibits this effect. Secondly, if individuals find the dominant party ideologically congruent, as their political awareness increases, the effect of that party's ideology rises monotonically. If incongruent, the effect of party ideology first rises and then falls back. Therefore, party dominance leads ultimately to increasing ideological polarization between the dominant party's supporters and opponents.

Résumé. Cet article vise à présenter deux arguments importants en appliquant la “ régression OLS ” aux données du “ World Values Survey ” sur 18 pays de l'OCDE. En premier lieu, s'il y a congruence entre l'idéologie d'un parti dominant et celle de l'individu, la dominance du parti renforce l'effet d'idéologie de parti sur l'idéologie de l'individu. S'il n'y a pas congruence d'idéologies, une dominance plus marquée du parti ne fait qu'entraver davantage cet effet. En second lieu, si les individus trouvent l'idéologie du parti dominant conforme à la leur, au fur et à mesure qu'augmente leur conscience politique, l'effet de l'idéologie de ce parti augmente de façon uniforme. Si l'idéologie du parti dominant n'est pas conforme à la leur, l'effet d'idéologie de parti commence par grandir pour ensuite retomber. Ainsi, la prédominance de parti mène finalement à une polarisation idéologique croissante entre les partisans du parti dominant et ses opposants.

Abstract. In the literature on leadership, the Certainty Axiom holds that leaders exercise leadership through reassuring uncertain citizens. It is thought that policy entrepreneurs particularly must supply much certainty to lead people to adopt new policies. A new theory—the Strategic Manipulation of Uncertainty (SMU) model—challenges this axiom. Its propositions hold that political leaders may strategically address public uncertainty to secure specific objectives. Risk-averse, traditional (“transactional”) leaders communicate more certainty, and less uncertainty, than their transformational counterparts. Risk-acceptant, entrepreneurial (“transformational”) leaders supply less certainty, and more uncertainty, than their transactional counterparts. Testing these hypotheses through analyzing the public speeches of Saskatchewan Premier Roy Romanow and Alberta Premier Ralph Klein supports the SMU model. As a transactional leader, Premier Romanow communicated more certainty, and less uncertainty, than Premier Klein. Premier Klein communicated less certainty, and more uncertainty, than Premier Romanow. The results challenge the utility of the Certainty Axiom and suggest that leaders address citizens' uncertainty strategically, increasing it or reducing it, in pursuit of particular policy objectives.

Résumé. Dans la littérature sur le leadership, l'axiome de la certitude stipule que les dirigeants exercent leur leadership en réassurant les citoyens incertains. On considère que les initiateurs de politiques publiques en particulier doivent transmettre beaucoup de certitude pour convaincre le public d'adopter de nouvelles politiques. Une nouvelle théorie—le modèle de la Manipulation stratégique de l'incertitude—remet en question cet axiome. Ce modèle propose que les dirigeants politiques puissent s'adresser stratégiquement à l'incertitude du public afin d'atteindre des objectifs spécifiques. Les dirigeants traditionnels, prenant peu de risques (“ transactionnels ”), communiquent plus de certitude, et moins d'incertitude, tandis que les dirigeants prenant des risques, entreprenant (“ transformationnels ”), offrent moins de certitude et plus d'incertitude. Ces hypothèses sont testées en analysant les discours publics du Premier Ministre de la Saskatchewan, Roy Romanow et du Premier Ministre de l'Alberta, Ralph Klein. Ceci confirme le modèle. En tant que dirigeant “ transactionnel ”, Roy Romanow était plus rassurant que son homologue, Ralph Klein, en ce qui concerne la restructuration fiscale. Les résultats contestent l'utilité de l'axiome de la certitude et suggèrent que les dirigeants entreprenants peuvent bénéficier de l'incertitude des citoyens.

Much of political science rests on assumptions about how policy makers and citizens behave. However, questions remain about how public policy can improve the government–citizen relationship. In this research note, we present behavioural insights (BI) as one way to address this gap. First, we argue that BI can be strategically used both to alleviate administrative burdens and to enhance citizen experience. Second, we argue that BI interventions can assist in several stages of the policy process, strengthening causal inferences about policy efficacy. Third, we present original data from Canada's ongoing experimentation with BI across multiple jurisdictions and areas of public policy. We conclude by acknowledging the myriad pathways through which BI research can engage with public policy to support the enhancement of citizen-oriented service delivery.

Hobbes is as renowned a name in political science as is Adam Smith in economics. Accordingly, prevailing notions of what Hobbes meant to say have varied from time to time. While his materialist utilitarianism has been a strong current since he propounded it, Hobbes's modern reputation dates from the re-emphasis on sovereignty and utilitarian morals by the Benthamists. The reaction against Benthamism led to strong criticism of Hobbes by English idealists such as T. H. Green. Their criticism of his materialist metaphysics and of his behaviourist ethics set the tone of the standard treatment of Hobbes, and seemed to have rendered his political views harmless. As long as Hobbes was regarded as primarily a materialist and his political doctrines were seen as consistent deductions from his materialist position, it was relatively easy to dispose of his unpleasant theory of the state, for materialism has had little standing in English political thinking since the eighteenth century when the historical materialism of Millar, Ferguson, and Robertson enjoyed some prestige.

Hobbes's stature, however, was too great for his political ideas to be tidied away in this fashion. Later generations of scholars set out to detach Hobbes's political theory from his materialism. Croom Robertson in 1886, John Laird in 1934, and Leo Strauss in 1936 have taken the position that Hobbes's political philosophy was not derived from his materialism or decisively influenced by his concept of science. While it is possible to show that Hobbes might have reached his political conclusions from certain moral attitudes and preconceptions unrelated to materialism or science, this position raises other difficulties. In view of the emphasis which Hobbes placed on his materialism and in view of his insistence on the scientific nature of his method it seems unsatisfactory to dismiss these attributes of his thought as merely his share in the current intellectual fashion, especially when the result is to say, as does John Laird, that his thought is mediaeval, or, as with some current text-book writers, to leave his theory rootless and unexplained except as the reaction of a timid man to the disturbed political conditions of his time.