The first day of January, 1959, saw the opening moves in the formation of the European Economic Community, the most spectacular experiment in regional economic integration to occur in recent history. If no hitches occur, within fifteen years West Germany, France, Italy, and the Benelux countries will have formed something between a customs union arid a full economic union, with internal free trade, a common external tariff, partial freedom of internal factor movement, partial co-ordination of economic and social policies, and a common framework of agricultural protection and control. There is a small and wildly fluctuating probability that this “common market” will become embedded in a larger European free trade area organized by Great Britain and including Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, Austria, and possibly other small European nations.

Canada's federation is distinct from the other two major federations in the English-speaking world in resting upon an alliance of two peoples and two cultures. Other differences exist, but this is fundamental. Since 1867 the dualism of culture has been slowly woven into the political fabric of the nation, although outside Quebec its implications are still not always appreciated or wholly accepted. With the appearance in 1956 of the Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional Problems, English-speaking Canadians have little excuse for misunderstanding the position of their French-speaking compatriots. The Commission was appointed by provincial statute in January, 1953, under the chairmanship of Judge Thomas Tremblay. Its bulky report is never likely to be widely read. It is prolix and sometimes repetitious to the point of tedium; its analysis would have been more telling had it been tidier and more compressed. Yet, despite such flaws, it is a landmark in the literature of federalism: it describes and explains more fully than any other public document the position and anxieties of Quebec in the federal state, and defends the concept of a strict federalism as the essential basis for the success of Canada's national experiment. For the Tremblay Commissioners the issue of Quebec in the federation and the issue of the French in the nation are one and the same. In harmony with their theme they submit numerous recommendations. We cannot, however, assess these or do justice to their premises, without first reviewing briefly the historical position of Quebec in Canadian federalism.

The general election of 1911 was one of the most significant in Canadian history. Not only did it bring crushing defeat to the long-triumphant forces of Laurier Liberalism but it was also a decisive expression of Canadian sentiment on the subject of commercial relations with the United States. Success in this, his third electoral contest, saved Robert Borden from political oblivion and opened for him new vistas of opportunity and new avenues of achievement. The true measure of his ability as a party chieftain was revealed in the great struggle over reciprocity which shook the usually apathetic Canadian electorate during the summer of 1911. It is one of the ironies of history that the issue which brought down the Liberals in this election was one of their own choosing. The Conservatives who had at first feared the reciprocity issue eventually found it to contain potent emotional ingredients making for their own triumph. In his handling of reciprocity, the one decisive issue, Borden showed a masterly finesse which had not been apparent in his earlier attempts to win the support of his fellow Canadians.

The word “moral” gets a social scientist into trouble. A few years ago a colleague of mine strongly advised against my using it in the title of a monograph. On the face of it the term seems to some people unscientific; moreover, it is ambiguous. One has to explain tediously what one means by it. These would seem to be good reasons for avoiding its use altogether. They would be, except that no other word describes what I want to discuss.

It is true of course that the term moral has to do with values. But it has reference to an aspect of human life, and one that can be studied objectively. Religious phenomena have not been thought unworthy of research just because there are strong value elements in them.

Le marché oligopolistique pose le problème de la coexistence de concurrents qui maximent leurs profits respectifs en toute indépendance. En affirmant qu'il s'agit là d'un problème surdéterminé, Pareto conclut à l'impossibilité d'aucune solution. Il ne conçoit pas que l'offre décidée par un duopoleur A sur la base d'un calcul indépendant puisse être considérée également comme une réaction à l'offre d'un rival B. L'incompatibilité dont se soucie Pareto reste entière dans le système d'anticipations de Frisch. Dans ce système, on ne peut supposer données les anticipations du vendeur A, sans postuler que les offres du rival B se conforment à ces anticipations. Mais comment peut-on dire alors que ces mêmes offres ne dépendent que des anticipations de B? Pour résoudre ce problème, la théorie qui est esquissée dans cet article pose en principe que les anticipations d'un joueur ne sont pas indépendantes, ni des conditions qui font le cadre de la partie, ni de l'expérience accumulée par l'observation des coups antérieurs du rival. L'introduction de ce principe permet de présenter une solution unique et stable qui a par ailleurs l'avantage d'échapper à l'objection de Pareto. L'analyse qui suit traite surtout du duopole, considéré comme le cas le plus simple du problème général de l'oligopole.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Simon de Montfort would have enjoyed the clash that recently took place in the Federal Republic of Germany between the adherents of increased direct democracy and the proponents of a system of pure representative democracy. At stake was the crucial issue of atomic armament for the West German defence forces. Should the basic decision be made by the people through a referendum, or by their representatives in parliament? This constitutional and political question was referred to the Federal Constitutional Court, which reached a verdict of importance to the future of the Republic-and to political scientists.

This essay is designed to serve as a case study of a nation in the twentieth century in debate over the scope of direct democracy within a representative system. It also seeks to assess the rationale of transferring, on occasion, the power to make decisions in the realms of foreign and military policy from the executive and parliament to the people themselves. And finally it attempts to evaluate the interplay of political parties and interest groups, and the conflict over jurisdiction between the national government and the constituent Laender in the context of the proposed referendum.

In 1953 a new formula for dealing with the complicated racial problems of the settler communities was introduced into the African scene. This innovation—the doctrine of inter-racial partnership—was launched with the merger of the territories of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland into a federal state. In its brief life, government under the “partnership” banner can already claim several noteworthy reforms in this community of some 280,000 Europeans, 34,000 Asians and persons of mixed race, and more than 7,300,000 Africans. A new university has been established which opens its doors to members of all races. In Southern Rhodesia, the long-established legal bars to the ownership of urban property by Africans have been relaxed. In Northern Rhodesia, the first breach in the industrial colour bar has been made in the important copper fields. Further, serious discussion has been given to several proposals with more sweeping implications, for example the draft bill which would scrap segregation in the trade unions of Southern Rhodesia and proposals which would extend the franchise to substantial numbers of Africans.