In the account of his missionary work, the Jesuit John Gerard (1564–1637) famously explained how, after a few years of penury in ‘Mass equipment’, Catholic houses had become so well equipped that priests were able to set about their work immediately upon their arrival. He recalled that in the last two years of his work (1604–06), he no longer needed to lodge in taverns but always found friendly dwellings to shelter him on his way. Most of these were run by women, whose prominence in the activity of harbouring was pointed out in many documents, including the minutes of the confession given to the Privy Council by the appellant priest Anthony Sherlock, who turned informer after his capture in 1606:

In the early seventeenth century there appeared in print a small group of Catholic controversial works in English written by someone calling himself ‘John Brereley, Priest’. These works were celebrated in their day because of their immense erudition and also because they introduced into religious controversy a novel style of argument that soon became fashionable among Catholics and Protestants alike: that of proving a case mainly from the admissions and self-contradictions of the opposing side. The most important work in the group and the one that established ‘Brereley’s’ chief claim to fame was—to give it the title of its secohd edition by which it is always known—The Protestants apologie for the Roman church.

When, in 1834 Lord Macauley called on Cardinal Wiseman at the Venerable English College in Rome, he was most surprised to find the cardinal's room fitted out in the English style and very like the rooms of a senior fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. On the same occasion Macauley was introduced to Lords Clifford and Shrewsbury and thought them not at all what he imagined Catholics of old family to be: proud and stately and with an air of being men of rank but not of fashion. John Henry Newman, too, had a notion that the old English Catholic gentry moved silently and sorrowfully about and lived in old-fashioned houses of gloomy appearance, closed in with high walls, iron gates and yew trees, cut off from the populous world around them. On his entry into ‘the narrow community of the English Catholics’, the other future cardinal, Henry Edward Manning, said he felt as if he ‘had got into St. James's Palace in 1687. It was as stately as the House of Lords …’ These reactions show that Macauley, Newman and Manning cannot have come across many English Catholic gentlemen before and that they had gained very little idea of the social history of English Catholicism, however much they may have learned about its political and ecclesiastical past. This paper will point out what they should, and might easily, have picked up.

When Fr. Persons arrived in Rome towards the end of March 1597, he found the unruly students in the English College very averse to Spain and particularly enraged by the Book of Succession, “They loathed it,” he reported to Don Juan de Idiaquez, “and said a thousand evil things about it, though they had never seen or read it, based merely on ill-natured reports received from their partisans in Flanders, saying that it was greatly in favour of the claims of the King of Spain and the Lady Infanta against the King of Scotland and was the prelude to a conquest of England and that Fr. Persons had obtained signatures and oaths from some of the foremost Englishmen in Spain in Favour of the Infanta.”

In 1773 the four English Vicars Apostolic made detailed reports on the state of their districts to the Congregation de Propaganda Fide in Rome. A summary of tl1ese reports was published by Maziere Brady in 1877. This summary contains statistics for the number of priests and the number of Catholics in every county in England, and is valuable as providing the earliest detailed statistical picture of the English Catholic community to come from a Catholic source. It is not surprising, therefore, that it has frequently been quarried by historians.

THE FIRST VOLUME of Fr. Godfrey Anstruther's TheSeminary Priests: A Dictionary of the Secular Clergy of England and Wales, 1558-1850 appeared in 1968, and in subsequent years it was followed by three other volumes. For various reasons, Fr. Anstruther did not complete the fifth and final volume, although he had collected a great deal of material for it. His achievement was remarkable, all the more so because it was carried out single-handed, not with the assistance of a team of scholars, and he used a great range of source-material in foreign as well as in British archives. This major contribution to the history of post-Reformation Catholicism has not always received the credit it deserves, and it is a sad comment on the historical awareness of the English Catholic community that the volumes did not sell as well as they should have done. Inevitably in a work of such magnitude, there were a number of errors, but those who are ready to point out details which Fr. Anstruther got wrong must never forget how much he got right and how his monumental and much-used dictionary has provided scholars with a solid foundation on which to build.

THE SOCIETY for Promoting Christian Knowledge was established in 1698. From its inception, one of its aims was to combat the spread of Catholicism in Britain and elsewhere. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Counter-Reformation seemed to be enjoying great successes: as one of the Society's memorials noted, ‘the progress of Popery … by little and little ruins the Reformed Religion all over Europe’. This occurred, the memorial went on, because the Protestants had little regard for their own defence. The remedy was to form a ‘union of Protestants’, with a council to organize its correspondence among those of the reformed faith in all parts of the continent; and to put a stop the activity of Popish priests, though ‘without Persecution and violence’. A bulwark, it was argued, was unquestionably needed against so formidable and zealous a body as the Congregation de Propaganda Fide. The Crown was to be informed of these designs and the Society was soon given a watching brief on ‘the practices of priests to pervert His Majesty's subjects’.

The fickleness of historical reputations is well illustrated by the case of Thomas White, 1593–1676. A Catholic secular priest, a prolific writer, and a widely-known figure in his own life-time, White sank after his death into an oblivion, from which he has only recently been rescued. Admittedly, his scientific theories soon became unfashionable, and no doubt his 'extravagant' and 'heretical novelties' in theology contributed towards his disfavour amongst seventeenth-century fellow- Catholics. But it will be argued here that the main cause of White's historical eclipse was his short political treatise, The Grounds of Obedience and Government, published in 1655.

Over fifty years ago, Louise Imogen Guiney wrote: ‘Someone, firstin the field, should write a little book, which should be a scientific andauthentic study of Dr John Donne as a Catholic’. As Guiney pointed out, Donne’s Catholicism, even when he had ceased to practice it actively, and even after he became an Anglican minister, was a continuous influence on his life and writings. However, Donne’s biographers, those before and those since Guiney, have paid scant attention to Donne’s Catholicism, tending rather to see his life as a paradoxical development fromlibertine scepticism to Protestant fideism. Between these extremes, Donne’s religious development has usually been described in terms of riddles and contradictions, with no more than passing reference to its relativelyclear involvement in the spiritual conflict through which Catholicism was repressed in Tudor and Stuart English society. The most influential proponent of this paradoxical interpretation has undoubtedly been Izaak Walton, Donne’s friend, who inexplicably likened Donne’s rather protracted Anglican conversion to the comparatively spontaneous conversion of St Augustine. Augustus Jessopp later repeated Walton’s fundamental idea, that Donne had clean rejected Catholicism at about twenty, even though Jessopp observed that Donne was suspected by his father-in-law of Catholic sympathies as late as 1602. Edmund Gosse was the first of Donne’s biographers to acknowledge the weight of evidence illustrating Donne’s persistent Catholic sympathies; Gosse nevertheless concluded that Donne’s Catholicism had been easily corrupted in the worldly atmosphere of London in the 1590’s, that he had grown sceptical of religion altogether,and that he lapsed thereafter only occasionally into fits of Catholic religion. Very little evidence of this supposed libertine scepticism can be found. Donne was far from sharing the extraordinary sceptical atheism rumoured of Raleigh or Marlowe, and the theory that he even leaned in this directionhas little support other than weak inference from the cynical tone of some of his writings. On the contrary, Donne seems to have shared the common assumption of his time, and the main lesson of his Catholic education, that there is one true religion. But his biographers have persistently seen him (mechanically mentioning his Catholic background) as a profane writer of ‘conceited verses’ converted by saving grace into an Anglican preacher.

The congregations which I have chosen to study here are those of Alnwick, Ellingham, Haggerston, Berrington and Berwick; the materials used are those described in an earlier essay, published in Recusant History in April 1967. They are: the returns of papists of 1767 and 1780; the religious census of 1851, districts of Alnwick (no. 559), Belford (560) and Berwick (561); the registers of Roman Catholic estates for Northumberland (Surtees Society, cxxxi, 1918) and Durham (ibid., clxxiii, 1958); and the mission registers and allied documents. None of these last are published. They consist: for Alnwick, of the baptismal registers (including confirmations and some marriages), 1794-1840 (PRO R.G. 4, nos. 1572 and 3911); for Ellingham, of baptismal registers (confirmations, marriages, deaths), 1779-1840 (R.G. 4, nos. 2483 and 2915), and an almost complete set of annual Easter communion lists, 1811-40 (originals in R.C. presbytery, Seahouses, Northumberland); for Haggerston,of baptismal registers (some marriages), 1790-1830 (R.G. 4, no. 1802), a register of deaths, and of Easter communicants, 1834-56 (originals in R.C. presbytery, Lowick, Northumberland); for Berrington, of the baptismal register, 1804-16 (R.G. 4, no. 2482); for Berwick, of baptismal registers, 1804-40 (R.G. 4, no. 1402). For knowledge of, and access to, such of these mission records as are not deposited in the Public Record Office, and for numerous other kindnesses, I am deeply indebted to Fr. W. Vincent Smith of Lanchester. Co. Durham.

In 1580 Robert Persons and Edmund Campion led the first Jesuit mission for the conversion of England. Their success in stirring up a new zeal among English Catholics and in reconciling sympathisers to the church greatly alarmed the government. The result was an intensification of the persecution of Catholics, which culminated in the passing of the statute against recusants in the Parliament of 1581. From this time those who withdrew the Queen’s subjects from their allegiance, or converted them to Catholicism for that intent, together with those who willingly allowed themselves to be so withdrawn, were judged to be traitors. The penalties against those who remained Catholics and refused to conform were drastically increased. A fine of £20 a month could now be imposed for non-attendance at church.

MUCH recent research has examined Catholicism in early Stuart England and some has discussed the contribution of anti-Catholicism to the outbreak of the Civil War—but how well-founded were the fears underlying the rhetoric which surfaced in parliament? This paper1 addresses one aspect of that question by looking at certain financial features of Catholic non-conformity (as demonstrated by absence from Anglican services and/or refusal of the oath of allegiance) in the first half of James I’s reign, chiefly between 1606 and 1612. The significance of this period is that it begins just after the attempt to blow up king and parliament and ends with the death of Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury who, during his term of office as Lord Treasurer from 1608 onwards, was grappling with an intractable royal indebtedness which he managed to curtail but not to cure and whose own effectiveness waned following the failure of the Great Contract in 1610.2

During the year 1623, as a result of the diplomatic negotiations between England and Spain for the marriage of Prince Charles to the Infanta Maria, Catholics in England enjoyed, for the first time for many years, comparative freedom from the operation of the penal laws. In this period of relative tranquility, Pope Gregory XV, yielding to insistent demands by the leaders of the English secular clergy, decided to restore to the Church in England a measure of local episcopal rule. In doing so he broke away from the policy of his immediate predecessors. After the suppression of the English Catholic hierarchy by Queen Elizabeth at the beginning of her reign, successive popes had taken the English Catholics under their immediate protection and had rejected various appeals for the restoration of local bishops. But the restoration did not, in the event, produce the results for which the papacy hoped. William Bishop who was appointed bishop in 1623, died after rather less than a year in office. His successor, Richard Smith, appointed by Urban VIII in 1624, became involved in disputes with the Jesuit and Benedictine clergy on the mission and, after six years of strife, withdrew to France in 1631 and resigned his charge. Rome then reverted to her earlier policy. Though Smith later sought papal permission to return to England, it was refused. After his death at Paris in 1655, the English secular clergy petitioned Rome for another bishop, but without success. The Church in England was to remain without a bishop for another thirty years.

Lord William Howard is surely the least known of the fourth Duke of Norfolk's three sons. Although a Catholic, he was not a martyr like his half-brother Philip. Unlike his elder brother Thomas, first Earl of Suffolk, he had no spectacular public career. But because he was not a martyr, he was a more typical Catholic layman than his half-brother; because he lacked high public office and never sought the position of a courtier, but spent his time managing his estates and participating, though as a Catholic unofficially, in local government, he was more typical of landowners of the period than his brother Thomas. Between the two extremes of martyrdom and hypocrisy were the great majority of English Catholics; between these two extremes we can place Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, Cumberland. In this paper I should like to consider Lord William's Catholicism in three contexts: his own position; in relation to other Catholics through the marriages he arranged for his children; in the attempts he made to protect individual Catholics.

This paper is based primarily on the Prefect of Studies Book which records the names of the staff and the students of the English College at Douai between the years 1750 and 1794. But before dealing with this period it is necessary to sketch in the background by giving a short account of the history of the College during the first half of the eighteenth century.

Convent autobiography took many forms. We find it in conversion narratives and vidas por mandato, as well as in less obvious places, including chronicles, trans-lations, poetry, saints’ lives and the myriad forms of governance documents that structured convent life. Sometimes nuns wrote under their own names, but frequently they composed anonymously. How do we locate autobiographical acts within anonymous texts? This article proposes a new genre called ‘subsumed autobiography’ to describe anonymously composed texts whose authors shape and influence their work around themes that grow out of their personal interests, theology, politics and so on. It analyses the authorial strategies deployed by the first chronicler of the English Augustinian community of St Monica's (Louvain), and pays particular attention to the themes of Catholic education, Latinity, and the legacy of Sir Thomas More. This work is predicated on an earlier article in which the anonymous author of the chronicle was identified as Mary Copley (1591/2–1669).

One of the liveliest debates in recent early modern Irish historiography has concerned the ‘failure’ of the Reformation in Ireland and when this occurred. Originally Professor Canny took issue with Dr. Brendan Bradshaw on this topic. Canny rejected Bradshaw’s thesis that the Reformation had failed in Ireland by 1558 and argued that counter-reformation catholicism only triumphed in the nineteenth century. Other contributions were then made to the debate by Dr. Alan Ford and later Karl Bottigheimer. Ford considered the 1590–1641 period as crucial, while Bottigheimer favoured the early seventeenth century as the key era. In the light of the work of Ford and Bottigheimer, Canny reconsidered the issue in an article published in 1986. He rejected what he believed to be Ford’s overly-pessimistic assessment that the Church of Ireland clergy soon despaired of the Reformation’s success in the seventeenth century. Instead, it is contended, Protestant clergy and laymen alike were optimistic that penal prosecution might still pave the way for considerable advances at this time. Moreover, Canny further argued that Ford was ‘mistaken in treating the clergy as an autonomous group and mistaken also in allowing excessive influence to ideology as the determinant of policy’.

The social historian in quest of Victorian commentary on the Irish in London finds a surprising dearth of materials. There were Irish beggars everywhere in the city, and their tenements lay within a few yards of the most fashionable thoroughfares, but neither their revolutionary potentialities nor predilection for violence nor deplorable religion made much impact upon the Victorian imagination. As they hardly figured in the national life, so they have left few traces in the memoirs of their betters, and hardly appear in Victorian literature, even in the novels of Dickens, who also ignored them in his hearthside journals, though he was always exploring their rookeries. They make fleeting appearances in the romances of Kingsley, Disraeli and Mrs. Gaskell; and Carlyle and Bulwer Lytton thought them a nuisance, and said so. But these few Celtic birds of passage do not greatly enlarge one’s understanding of the Irish in London, and hardly make an English literary summer.

At sunrise on 14 July 1586, the only three Jesuits then in England, William Weston, Henry Garnet and Robert Southwell, rode westwards out of London. They were making for Harleyford, a mansion on the north bank of the Thames, two miles upstream from Marlow and backed by the beechwoods of the Chilterns. There they lay hidden for a week, ‘discussing', as Weston cautiously wrote, ‘our future methods of work and the prospects that lay before us'. The owner of Harleyford, Robert Bold, was a keen musician, and in the mornings Mass was sung with a mixed choir, organ and other instruments, conducted by no less a master than William Byrd. Perhaps one or more of Byrd's own settings, especially the bare and haunting Mass for Three Voices, was first performed during this octave. Nearly the whole of the morning, says Weston, was taken up by Mass, preaching and confessions.

(John Macky, 1707)

(John Macky, 1725)