The area around the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers has become a sharp focus of discussion about late Mississippian developments. The debate largely is based on the presence or absence of artifacts thought to be protohistoric or contact period horizon markers. Late deposits at Wickliffe Mounds (15BA4) have produced two such artifacts: astragalus dice and a head-effigy pot. Close study of the ceramic sequence and associated radiocarbon dates indicates that both “horizon markers” belong to the late prehistoric period of western Kentucky, and that neither can settle the debate about protohistoric occupation.

Descriptions of Indians in northern Mexico with copper artifacts occur in the sixteenth-century expedition reports of Cabeza de Vaca, Francisco Ibarra, and Father Rodríguez. The phrasing of Cabeza de Vaca's account indicates that both copper bells and plates were excavated from abandoned villages and then traded widely. Statements given in all three journals point to the site of Paquimé, or Casas Grandes, in Chihuahua as the most probable source. Since Casas Grandes was deserted in the sixteenth century, it is suggested that the copper objects found among the Indians in northern Mexico by Cabeza de Vaca, Ibarra, and Rodríguez were looted from Casas Grandes rather than obtained by trade from west Mexico or Mesoamerica.

Widespread exchange networks operative in the early historic period in the southern Plains and adjacent areas were documented by early Spanish explorers. Among the more important trade items they noted were bison hides, including robes. It is suggested here that the occurrence of beveled knives and endscrapers in assemblages dating after about A.D. 1300 reflects the importance of bison hides in late prehistoric exchange. Both of these chippedstone tools probably were used in acquiring and processing the hides of bison. The importance of bison hides continued into the historic period when they were documented items of exchange in southern Plains and adjacent areas.

Most zooarchaeologists estimate limb-bone abundance from limb ends. Researchers have provided detailed documentation of the preferential destruction by carnivores of limb ends (Binford 1981; Binford et al. 1988; Blumenschine 1988; Brain 1981; Marean et al. 1990; Orloff and Marean 1990; Sutcliffe 1970). Others have observed differences between limb abundances calculated on limb shafts vs. ends, suggesting shaft pieces may provide more accurate estimates of original element abundance in carnivore-ravaged assemblages (Bunn 1986; Bunn and Kroll 1986; Blumenschine 1988; Klein 1975; Marean et al. 1990; Orloff and Marean 1990). However, the exact quantitative effect of carnivore ravaging on measures of element abundance has never been investigated. We provide an experimental test of the accuracy of different bone portions for estimating the original element abundance after carnivore ravaging. Spotted hyenas were allowed to ravage 33 simulated archaeological sites of known element abundance. Estimates of abundance calculated on limb ends differ greatly from original bone abundance, and estimates based on proximal/distal-shaft pieces are also inaccurate. Estimates from middle-shaft fragments, however, are uniquely accurate. These experimental data mandate reanalysis of assemblages where limb frequencies were calculated from limb ends and carnivore ravaging is implicated, and experimentally vindicate observations originally provided by Klein (1975).

This paper reports on several experiments carried out to explore the transformations of the archaeological record affected by trampling. These transformations include changes in artifact distributions and formal alterations that should be taken into account when carrying out studies of activity areas. The experiments were made on dry, hard-packed surfaces and in the same sediments after a rain. The materials used were bones, obsidian flakes, sherds, and fragments of brick and wood. The analysis focuses on vertical displacement, horizontal displacement, and damage (breakage, microflaking, and abrasion), paying special attention to the response of the trodden substrate and its implications for the whole process. The interaction of trampling with other formation processes (e.g., maintenance) also is considered. The main patterns observed in the trampled materials are vertical and horizontal size sorting, and characteristic size distributions in sherds. These empirical generalizations are then integrated in a model that can help to identify trampled contexts and assess their potential for behavioral inference.

Continuing interest in the process of aggregation in the American Southwest requires accurate reconstruction of population figures for prehistoric pueblos. Since site size (rooms/floor space) often serves as a proxy for population size, evaluation of site growth is crucial for population reconstruction. Problems in dating are discussed with reference to Pot Creek Pueblo in northern New Mexico. The construction sequence is interpreted using 236 tree-ring dates and wall abutment relations between rooms. Site growth and changing site structure are described. Calculation of room use life permits formulation of two contrasting models of pueblo growth. Construction and remodeling dates indicate a short use life for the adobe rooms. I argue that, although the pueblo grew in surface area and numbers of rooms, population size may not have changed dramatically from A.D. 1270 to 1310, with population increase before abandonment at about 1320.

Ethnographic accounts of animal pulverization using stone grinding implements have led archaeologists to believe that this same behavior took place in the past. This important subsistence activity can now be confirmed through the immunological analysis of archaeological materials. Small-mammal blood-protein residue has been identified immunologically for the first time on milling equipment from two archaeological sites in southern California. Immunoprotein trace analysis has the potential for a wide range of applications in the study of prehistory.

A series of unusually large hunter-gatherer winter villages emerged along the Fraser River in the Lillooet region of British Columbia during the last 3,000 years. Population estimates for these villages range from 500-1,000. Salmon heavily dominated the subsistence economy of these groups. We believe that these groups were socially and economically more complex than subsequent inhabitants. Village size and complexity seem to achieve maximum development from 1000-2000 B.P. About 1,000 years ago it appears that all of the large villages in the Lillooet region were abandoned and never reoccupied to any significant degree. Numerous causes for this apparent cultural collapse have been considered. Recent geomorphological research on landslides and terraces in the Lillooet region make failure of salmon runs due to catastrophic landslides that dammed the Fraser River the most likely explanation for the apparently abrupt abandonment of the large Lillooet villages.

Many researchers have linked the evolution of the prehistoric center Cahokia to its location near the confluence of the Mississippi, Missouri, and Illinois rivers. It is possible to evaluate this idea mathematically through the graph-theoretic concept of centrality. The analysis suggests that Cahokia was located at the point of highest centrality in the Mississippi River drainage.

Recent studies have shown a relation between low- and high-frequency environmental variability and aspects of culture. This paper uses low-frequency alluvial and hydrological changes on the Colorado Plateaus and high-frequency changes in moisture availability for the northern Rio Grande between A.D. 1150 and A.D. 1600 to derive expectations for changes in settlement organization on the Pajarito Plateau. The expectations are evaluated using data on the distribution of population and field houses in elevation zones. Changes in population size and aggregation also are reviewed. Low-frequency processes especially appear to have played a role in settlement change until A.D. 1450. After this date, settlement does not conform to expectations. Reasons for this are suggested, including a poor understanding of low- frequency processes, conflict, and human-induced environmental degradation.

The experimental hydration of obsidian for up to 30 days is described at relative humidities (RH) of 60, 90, 95, and 100 percent and at temperatures of 150, 160, and 175°C. Under isothermal conditions, the rate of hydration increased by as much as 25 percent between 60 and 100 percent RH. The RH dependence is nonlinear, with the majority of the rate increase occurring between 90 and 100 percent RH. The effect of RH can be related to the driving force for molecular water diffusion in obsidians as described by the chemical potential difference between water sorbed onto the obsidian surface and intrinsic water in the obsidian. The differences in hydration rates caused by RH differences in experiments approximate the error commonly described for obsidian-hydration dating. These results suggest that obsidian-hydration dating requires a knowledge of the site temperature and relative humidity in order to accurately generate age estimates.

Prehistoric Native Americans hunted leporids (cottontails and hares) for food, clothing, and to obtain raw material for the manufacture of bone tools such as awls. Leporids are also favorite prey of various carnivores and raptors, hence many archaeological sites may contain leporid bones that were deposited by both human and nonhuman activities. This paper provides data to distinguish specific agents and processes that affected leporid bones in archaeological sites. Human behavior tends to create hare tibia diaphysis cylinders, cut-marked bones, unidentifiable burned bone fragments, and assemblages with predominantly adult leporid bone specimens. In contrast, raptor behavior creates more cottontail tibia diaphysis cylinders, bones with beak and talon punctures on only one side, shearing damage principally to innominates and femora, and high frequencies of forelimb and juvenile bones when leporid bones are deposited mainly in raptor pellets.

A recent review by Lynch of late Pleistocene sites in South America is impaired by numerous errors and misrepresentations. Although Lynch omits several important sites and often selectively uses data to support his own position, this comment addresses his review of the Monte Verde site in Chile. Although Lynch has not visited Monte Verde and has inspected few artifacts from the site, he questions the Pleistocene association of artifacts and the “hand of humans” in the site. Lynch’s interpretations are refuted on the grounds that he is unfamiliar with the site, that he reviewed obsolete publications, and that he often misrepresented material in these publications. The archaeological evidence for late Pleistocene human activity at Monte Verde is reviewed in terms of the site stratigraphy, chronology, and artifacts.

The use of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) on human bone from early Maya burials at Cuello, Belize provides direct dating of the Preclassic population, and assists resolution of the chronological problems discussed by Andrews and Hammond (1990).

Interrelations among three roughly contemporaneous late prehistoric Mississippian societies in Middle and East Tennessee are reexamined in terms of currently available biological, archaeological, and ethnohistoric data. Previous researchers have suggested a close relation between two of those cultures—Mouse Creek and Middle Cumberland—to the exclusion of the third, Dallas. However, multivariate analyses of craniofacial and mandibular dimensions of individuals from the three groups suggest a greater biological relation between Dallas and Mouse Creek than between Mouse Creek and Middle Cumberland. In addition, a comparison of intrasite settlement patterning, ceramic and mortuary variability, and ethnohistoric data across the three groups support the skeletal analysis. Relations between Dallas and Mouse Creek may mirror similar processes of sociopolitical reorganization occurring throughout the Southeast in the late prehistoric period.

The contents of a bone-filled pit from a Late Prehistoric period site in the Bighorn Basin, Wyoming, are inferred to represent the remains of a meal originally cooked in a skin container. The residue remained in the container, outside of the pit, for at least three weeks. Subsequently, but within a few weeks of cooking, the residue was dumped upside down into a pit which was then sealed with a sandstone slab. Preparation of the food and its disposal took place between June and September. The temporal resolution made possible by the analysis of the insect remains permits the inference that the site assemblage accumulated during two separate occupations. Such an inference affects how the site assemblage may be interpreted within the context of a settlement system.

The description of major South American Pleistocene sites by Lynch (1990) contains significant errors and omissions. The artifact assemblage at the Colombian site of Tibitó, dated at 11,740 ± 140 B.P., is much larger than indicated by Lynch and well represents the Abriense industry, which features small unifacially retouched flake tools and core tools, with no stone projectile points. Lynch did not describe the 1976 stratigraphic profile at the Venezuelan site of Taima-Taima, and he failed to refer to the evidence for butchering of the juvenile mastodon with which an El Jobo projectile point fragment and a utilized flake were associated directly. The descriptions of Brazilian sites also feature serious mistakes. For the site of Alice Boër, Lynch overlooked a thick sterile stratigraphic unit (Bed IV) that intervenes between Bed III, with its thermoluminescence dates as early as 10,970 ± 1020 B.P. and radiocarbon dates as early as 14,200 ± 1150 B.P., and the artifact-bearing surface of Bed V. For Lapa Vermelha, Lynch failed to indicate that several artifacts were recovered from an older cemented cave fill that yielded radiocarbon dates of 22,410 B.P. and > 25,000 B.P. Lynch’s description of the site of Toca do Boqueirào da Pedra Furada does not correspond to eyewitness reports, and his description of the nearby Toca do Sitio do Meio was incomplete and confused. Finally, in his description of the stratigraphy of the Patagonian site of Los Toldos, Cueva 3 Lynch misquoted and misconstrued the original reports, which indicate clearly the stratigraphic priority and integrity of the Level 11 industry. For accurate descriptions of early South American archaeological sites, readers are urged to examine the original sources.

The problems with dating prehistoric canals are renowned, due to the fact they seldom contain material appropriate for traditional dating methods. However, the application of archaeomagnetic techniques may offer a method of dating canals in those regions where master curves of polar wandering already exist. Detrital remanent magnetism in Hohokam canal sediments seems to produce accurate dates with ranges of ca. 200 years, twice the resolution of previous canal-dating attempts. However, at least some of the sediments seem to record inclinations that are less accurate than the declinations. In these cases, the declination values for the sediments can be compared to master declinations curves as a method of dating the sediments.

Eight desiccated human feces recovered from Big Bone Cave (40VB103) were analyzed for dietary contents and evidence of endoparasitic infection. Radiocarbon-dated materials from the cave indicated that it was a locus of human activity 2220 ± 135 years ago. The dietary contents were primarily composed of three domesticated plant species: Iva annua, Chenopodium berlandieri ssp. jonesianum, and Helianthus annuus. Endoparasitic species infecting the population using the cave were: Enterobius vermicularis, Ascaris lumbricoides, Giardia intestinalis, and a species tentatively identified to the superfamily Ancylostomoidea. The evidence of endoparasitic infection preserved in the Big Bone Cave paleofecal sample is the most complete record available for Eastern North America. This information is a new contribution to understanding the relative health status and living conditions of the emergent horticultural societies of prehistoric Eastern North America.

A recently described set of ceramic artifacts have been functionally assigned to saltmaking by MacKinnon and Kepecs (1989), who concluded that saltmaking activity was focused on producing salt for commoners. While we are in agreement about saltmaking activities along the Belizean coast, we propose that saltmaking there perhaps was oriented toward meat and fish preservation for transport into interior population centers during the Terminal Classic period.