A dugout canoe, with a rounded stern configuration, flat bottom, and no thwarts or seats, is reported from the Ottawa Valley in eastern Ontario, Canada. Its existence since the earliest settlement of the nearby village of Beachburg makes it probable that construction was before A.D. 1900.

The well-known archaeological site at Ancon, Peru, represents the timespan from preceramic through the end of the Formative period. Recent investigations have permitted definition of five ceramic phases, of which Ancon C is of particular interest here because it marks the appearance of zoned and unzoned painted decoration. These techniques were added to the preexisting ceramic complex, characterized by limited frequency of decoration by incision. A burial equating with Ancon C contained a variety of grave goods, including a complete olla with zoned red decoration, covered with a basket and containing among other objects a wooden figurine with articulated arms. The estimated date is around 1200 B.C. These associations expand the definition of the cultural complex on the central Peruvian coast in the pre-Chavin period and raise questions about the origin and diffusion of the traits, which have also been reported from Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and Mesoamerica.

The improper publication of bird names in archaeological reports may lead to misunderstanding of texts. Standardized procedures for printing bird names have been in general use by ornithologists for about 100 years but are discussed here for the archaeologists. Examples are given so distortion of facts may be avoided and clarity of interpretation may be better maintained.

The possibility of tuna fish being an agent for the diffusion of the circular shell fishhook found in California and Oceania is discussed. Data from the latter area indicate a specific type of hook and of fishing technique for these fish, suggesting that the circular shell hook would not be used in this way. The experimental evidence of Robinson (1942) and Glidden (Heye 1921) and an examination of the function of fishhooks further suggest that the circular shell hooks function best in a different subenvironment of the sea and for a different group of fish than the tunas. While it is impossible to state unequivocally that the tunas could not be the agents of diffusion for this hook, the specificity of the existing tuna-fishing techniques and the evidence for a different use of the circular hook make it more improbable than is suggested by Heizer or Landberg.

Reinman's misinterpretation (in his article in this issue) of Landberg's (1966) remarks about the aboriginal use of the curved, single-piece shell fishhook is corrected, and the unlikelihood that this type of hook was used by fishermen to catch tunas is further emphasized. Conclusive evidence that tunas transport fishhooks is introduced for representatives of one species, bluefin, in the Atlantic and Mediterranean Oceans. Taking this evidence into consideration, the tentative nature of the tuna-tagging evidence is again noted, and it is stressed that considerably more data will be required to substantiate presently proposed models of migration for tuna populations before incontrovertible geographical relationships can be drawn between Oceania and other areas. Independent invention as an alternative to the hypothesis of hook transportation by fish as an explanation for the distribution of the curved, single-piece shell fishhook is examined with reference to Crain's (1966) article on the mechanical aspects of this hook type. It is concluded that independent invention, as suggested earlier (Landberg 1966), probably accounts for part of the distribution of the curved, single-piece shell fishhook and that transportation of this type of hook by migratory fish would have been only a complicating factor in its geographical distribution.

Loma Lasca, a coastal site near the mouth of the Santa Valley, Peru, produced an abundance of large primary flakes. Investigation of the midden suggested that these were used for the scaling and cleaning of fish.

The interpretation of skeletal material in the reconstruction of culture history by archaeologists and physical anthropologists is open to a number of criticisms. Problems inherent in the typological approach are discussed.

Interest in the use of microscopes for the analysis of lithic technology and functional interpretations has increased in recent years. Some minerals and rocks are more suitable than others for these studies. In order to communicate the observations made through the microscope, the archaeologist can use the microscope to take photomicrographs using relatively simple and inexpensive equipment.

Some anthropologists have suggested prehistoric Old and New world contacts. Meggers, Evans, and Estrada are the most recent advocates, and their hypothesis of a landfall by Japanese fishermen on the coast of Ecuador seems to have been the causa belli of the attack by John Rowe on “doctrinaire diffusionism.” In a response to Rowe, Jett and Carter (1966) suggest his level of absolute proof is the best, but not the only, proof. Rowe's absolute proof is best because it can be rigorously and objectively tested. But if this level of proof is not met, then the acceptance of such evidence becomes an “act of faith.” The hypotheses of transoceanic contacts can not be evaluated adequately for or against until this level of proof is achieved. Until such time, the acceptance of such theories will remain “acts of faith.”

In a review of the report on the Shoup Rockshelters in East Central Idaho, Richard Forbis used typology to question stratigraphy and early dates for side-notched points. The points are parallel, obliquely flaked, and have an age comparable to those at a number of sites in the West. Correlation of natural deposits was based on the character and origin of the sediments, fluorine analysis of bone, rock-fall counts, and radiocarbon dates.

A fossilized bone projectile point has recently been recognized in the collections of the National Museum of Canada. The point was found at a depth of 8 ft. in a waterhole in southeastern Saskatchewan, immediately south of an ice frontal position dated at about 10,000 years ago. The implement is described on the basis of microscopic and macroscopic examination, and similarities to other specimens with early associations are noted.

The use of dry-cleaning tags has minimized the possibility of mixing archaeologically recovered material during cleaning and sorting in the laboratory.

Citation in a reputable publication of the idea put forth by R. G. Baker (1962) that Maya monuments were altered and recarved from time to time makes it necessary to evaluate the thesis. Examination of the evidence presented by Baker leads to the conclusion that most of the putative alterations are the result of differential weathering, and unfamiliarity with Maya sculpture. In addition, Baker has interpreted 19th-century mutilation as being ancient. Finally, Proskouriakoff's historical interpretation of the function of Maya sculpture and glyphic texts (1960, 1963, 1964) leads to a definitive refutation of Baker's hypothesis.

An analysis is made of an argument from analogy for similarities between the structure of the Poverty Point earthworks and the social organization of the Bororo of Brazil. A valid analogy must be based on demonstrably similar entities. Since some of the data used in Levi-Strauss's argument are not demonstrable as fact, the argument must be judged invalid. Archaeologists are urged to show caution in expressing in writing their inferences and interpretations since their work ultimately may be used by other anthropologists for making cultural generalizations.

The possibility of mistaking natural fractured flint stones for artifacts has always been problematic to researchers in the Old World and the New World. This problem increases ten-fold when artifact-like assemblages are collected from heaps of nonindigenous stone which was brought to the New World as ballast. Such a ballast station consisting of flint from the Thames in England and deposited in New Rochelle, New York, is described, and its ramifications are discussed.

The circumstances of discovery and the offering of a Tzacualli (Teotihuacan I) burial from Pueblo Perdido, San Bartolo Naucalpan, northwest of Mexico City, are described.

Historical sources are a potentially rich and as yet almost untouched source of specific and general analogies for use in archaeological interpretation. In particular, certain unique sources, such as Diderot’s Encyclopédie, offer many specific examples, but more generally history offers the archaeologist the chance to formulate broad analogies dealing with basic questions of cultural evolution.

An ordinance to protect archaeological sites, adopted by Marin County, California, is described, and its potential significance on a broader level is discussed.

Recent opinions as to the size and character of ancient Tiahuanaco, Bolivia, vary greatly. On the basis of published information, it is impossible to assess these important aspects of the site. A two-day survey during November, 1966, strongly suggests a true urban character for Middle horizon Tiahuanaco. At that time the urban core covered approximately 2.4 km2. A range of population between 5,200 and 10,500, and possibly up to 20,000 people, is suggested. Tiahuanaco’s strategic location with respect to three major environmental zones is regarded as a crucial factor in the site’s economic and political importance.