Nine samples from well-dated prehistoric sites in the southwestern United States have been radiocarbon dated in order to determine the accuracy of 14C dates on corn. The results indicate that a normalized and calibrated 14C date on corn is as accurate an estimate of the sample's age as is a 14C date for any other material. This accuracy has implications not only for future selection of 14C samples but also for interpretation of existing dates on corn and on other kinds of materials.

Sulphur Springs Woman, an early human burial, was recovered from alluvial deposits dated between 8,200 and 10,000 years before the present in Whitewater Draw, southeastern Arizona. These are the oldest human remains from the Southwest and are some of the oldest in North America. These bones provide data on the earliest inhabitants of the New World.

In this report we attempt to answer the question: which measurement system did the Late Classic Maya use to build their buildings? Measurements were collected from ten buildings at three Puuc style archaeological sites: Uxmal, Kabah and Chichén Itzá, which date about A.D. 750-1000. The tentative results of the study suggest the Maya employed a measurement system involving what we are calling a zapal, which was 147 ± 5 cm long. A zapal was divided into 16 units, kab, of 9 xóot’ each, or 9 units, oc, of 16 xóot’ each. Thus, there were two alternative ways of grouping the 144 xóot’ that made up each zapal. An examination of the linguistic and ethnohistoric data reveals nothing to contradict the notion that such a measuring system was present among the ancient Maya, and that multiples of 3, 4, and 12 are involved.

Morphological typologies of projectile points in North America have often been employed as time-sensitive prehistoric cultural markers. This article demonstrates that the contingencies of point manufacture, hafting, use, and rejuvenation create morphological changes that may render questionable use of these morphological typologies as prehistoric cultural markers. Thirty projectile points were replicated according to the attributes of a commonly employed typological scheme for the Great Basin. Experiments with hafting, impact, and rejuvenation demonstrate that a single point-type may manifest more than one "time-sensitive" shape within its normal uselife.

In February 1866, workers found a human skull deep in a mine in Calaveras County, California, believed at first to be of Pliocene age. It was passed through several hands before reaching J. D. Whitney, State Geologist of California and Professor of Geology at Harvard University. While some scientists accepted it on face value, other scientists and the public press refused to believe it and even ridiculed the claim. Some believed it was a “plant,” while others had faith in the reports of the miners, which led to a long controversy. Apparently two skulls became confused in transmission from one person to another, but in the end they were identified as fossilized Indian skulls of modern type, and it was finally admitted that the one taken from the mine was “planted” as a joke.

A reexamination of the data presented by Shafer and Hester (1983) indicates that the level of specialized production and volume of intersite exchange of chert tools in the area of Colha has been greatly overstated. Evaluation of rates of production over time suggests that at most a few thousand chert tools were produced per year at Colha, indicating a very low level of specialization, if any. The context of the chert debitage deposits is suggestive of domestic production for household use, rather than the “industrial-level mass production” postulated by Shafer and Hester.

In this paper we summarize the results of six years of passive obsidian collecting in Iowa during which time 31 samples were obtained and subjected to trace element analysis. We find that: (1) 74% of the obsidian originated at the Obsidian Cliff Quarry in Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming; and (2) in contrast with earlier midwestern studies where obsidian was found in ritual contexts on Middle Woodland sites, the Iowa material is associated with a broader temporal range and on sites where ritual use is not evident. A discussion of the analytical methods used is provided as well as of previous research on midwestern obsidian finds.

Trailside cairns created by Yuroks on religious journeys to mountaintops are shown to be a special case of the extremely widespread practice of establishing cairn trail shrines to which passers-by add stones. Specific comparative data are provided for the California culture area.

This Comment responds to Joseph L. Chartkoff's 1983 article, "A Rock Feature Complex from Northwestern California" (American Antiquity 48:745-760). Chartkoff describes two sorts of rock enclosures, identifying them both by a single Yurok-English name. The Comment points out there are at least two distinct words for such enclosures in the Yurok language, and that this linguistic evidence supports Chartkoff's hypothesis that the two sorts of rock features may be historically or ethnographically distinct.

Identification of spruce (Picea) and fir (Abies) construction timbers at Chetro Ketl in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, implies that between A.D. 1030 and 1120 the Anasazi transported thousands of logs more than 75 km. These timbers came from high elevations, probably in mountains to the south (Mt. Taylor) and west (Chuska Mountains) where Chacoan interaction was well established. Survey in these mountains might disclose material evidence of these prehistoric logging activities.

The definition and existence of specialized chert tool workshops and workshop deposits at Colha, Belize are addressed in this reply. Density estimates are provided for workshop deposits along with revised production estimates for the Late Preclassic Period. A pattern is beginning to emerge in the Maya lowlands with regards to communities of craft specialists; they appear to have been in settlements surrounding the larger centers, not in the major centers themselves.

Santa Rosa Island skeletal collections, dating from between 4000 and 400 B.P., were analyzed for evidence of dental caries. Carious lesions were found to decrease significantly through time, as were sexual differences in caries rates. These trends in dental health appear to reflect changes in diet and sexual division of labor associated with a subsistence shift from the exploitation of roots, tubers, and other cariogenic plant foods to the intensive exploitation of fish. Analysis of dental caries can provide information on prehistoric carbohydrate intake that is unavailable using conventional methods of faunal and artifactual analysis.

Three rather redundant papers (Flenniken 1984, 1985; Flenniken and Raymond 1986) recently questioned the efficacy and validity of my research on Great Basin projectile point types (especially Thomas 1970, 1981, 1983b). These articles reflect a distorted view of how lithic studies articulate with today's archaeology, betraying serious misunderstandings about the objectives and methods of contemporary archaeology. While I am generally sympathetic with experimental approaches, these particular interpretations and recommendations require rethinking.

Artifacts from 24 chipping stations and a lithic scatter from the Lake Mead National Recreation Area, Nevada were analyzed by refitting conjoinable flakes to original cores. Artifacts represented debitage from the initial reduction of locally-available low-quality chalcedony nodules for the eventual production of flake tools. The refitting analysis allowed the debitage to be divided into four patterns that roughly correlate with variation in the quality of the raw material. All result from the same strategy of reduction aimed at producing as many usable flakes as possible from low-quality material. Such relatively unproductive sites are rarely studied in detail because they require intensive analysis, but were probably an important part of prehistoric resource systems.

Binford's characterization of the isochrestic model of style seriously misrepresents it, particularly with regard to the assemblage variability problem. Here his criticisms are answered, the real argument of the model reviewed, and the reasons for his misrepresentation explored. It may be pertinent to the latter that the model has been presented in conjunction with a strong critique of his own work on style, which remains unanswered. Equally relevant, however, are the facts that its use calls for kinds of expertise Binford himself may not possess and that in any case his own theoretical preconceptions lead him to confound it with more traditional notions of style and consequently to dismiss it on a priori grounds. In fact, isochrestism may point the way toward a new means for addressing assemblage variability that frees style and function from much of the doctrinaire thinking that now encumbers them.