A random sample of 396 elderly people living at home in the Greater London community was interviewed by psychiatrists using standardised assessments. The sample was divided into the old (aged 65–74) and the old/old (aged 75 and over). The proportions with mental illness were identified and excluded from the sample in order to allow comparison of mentally normal elderly persons between these age groups. Surprisingly few differences emerge. No difference in educational attainment appeared, but there was a small diminution (P < 0.01) in intellectual function to clinical testing, in the old/old. Leisure interests were maintained and high level life satisfaction, health and happiness were claimed.

An attempt has been made to account for the marked heterogeneity in the proportions of the elderly people and in cohort survivorship into old age, between Turkey's 67 provinces in terms of current socio-economic characteristics of the provinces. Because of the difficulties involved in meeting the assumptions of ordinary least squares regression analysis, the multivariate method selected involved the application of principal components regression to determine the patterns of covariance between age structure, ‘survivorship’ and socio-economic conditions. The results indicated that an aged provincial population was typically associated with a rural, agriculturally developed economy, and negatively associated with both an urbanised, industrially developed economy and a rural undeveloped agricultural economy. Survivorship into old age, on the other hand, although being negatively associated with a rural undeveloped agricultural economy, was positively related with both industrial and agricultural development. The role of rural-to-urban migration was felt to confound the relationship between urbanisation, industrialisation and population ageing, suggested by demographic transition theory. Finally some of the implications of the study for the social and economic position of the elderly in Turkey were noted and possible policy directions were identified.

Focusing on a neglected area of the life cycle, this paper explores the meaning and significance of becoming a grandparent, from the perspective of a sample of couples, becoming grandparents for the first time.

The paper falls into four sections. The first considers why grand-parenthood has been a neglected area in family sociology and in research on the life cycle. The second and third sections use interview data from a prospective study of eighteen couples. The first of these briefly documents the process of becoming a grandparent, from the time when the news is first heard, through the birth of the baby and up to nine months later. The second of these identifies the meaning and significance which these people attached to ‘becoming a grandparent’ and to the role of‘being a grandparent’. The final section discusses the problems which are involved in studying grandparenthood, and in attempting to provide an account of its meaning and significance.

Elderly people have a relatively low likelihood of becoming a victim of crime, compared with other age groups. Theft rather than violence constitutes the bulk of offences against them. Criminological research indicates that it is not vulnerability but lifestyle and the amount of time spent out of the home which are pre-disposing factors. However, when offences occur they have a disproportionately high personal impact. Ways of reducing both exposure and impact are discussed. These include (1) Hardening the targets (2) Creating more protective environments (3) Encouraging self-help (4) Entrancing awareness of crime and prevention techniques (5) Risk avoidance.