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No aspect of Brazilian history has received so stereotyped a treatment as the position of the female and her contribution to the society and economy of the colony. The white donzela and the lady of the ‘big house’ have been depicted as leading a secluded existence, be it in the innermost recesses of their homes or in conventual cells, immune to harsh realities and safe from brash overtures by pretenders. Of the white woman, it was said, during her lifetime she left her home on only three occasions: to be baptized, to be married, and to be buried. The role of the white woman was seen as essentially passive, victim of the demands of an over-bearing and frequently unfaithful older husband to whom she would bear children, or of a martinet of a father. As for the Amerindian woman, whose beauty led the discoverers to initial raptures of platonic appreciation and then sexual overindulgence, she has rarely been depicted in any role other than that of concubine or lover. The black and mulatto woman, slave or free, became a symbol of sensual arousal and sexual fulfillment.
During most of 1942 the United States Department of State attempted to cajole, flatter, or force the Government of Chile to break diplomatic relations with the Axis powers. The reluctance of both Chile and Argentina to join the other Latin American countries in severing relations with Germany, Italy, and Japan soon reached the level of a major foreign policy controversy, and United States officials became incensed at Chile's ‘timidity’ in joining the crusade against fascism. The misunderstanding between them, this analysis will argue, stemmed from the nature of the situation and of the parties involved.
This paper sets out to examine the way in which guano was dug and removed from the Chincha islands in the middle of the nineteenth century, when the Peruvian trade was in its most buoyant phase. We shall, in fact, be looking at the physical operation of an entire export sector, up to the point at which the commodity left the shores of Peru for the farms of Western Europe and North America.
Whereas the period extending from the Wars of Independence to the 1870s was one of stagnation in nearly all the countries of the region, in the century that followed, the Latin American economies underwent relatively intense development, although the pattern varied from country to country. In the first half of the century - during which development was induced largely through the expansion of raw material exports-the regions with temperate climates and abundant empty lands received a large inflow of immigrants and capital from Europe. In these regions, economic development was particularly intense during this first phase and was accompanied by a precocious urbanisation process and other social changes. The essentially rural old society, in which political power was monopolised by a small minority of landowners, was rapidly transformed as large urban centres came into being, with the growing participation of the middle social strata. The southern region of the South American continent - Argentina, Uruguay and, to a lesser extent, Chile and the southern areas of Brazil - which had received an influx of European immigrants, became rapidly urbanised and the agricultural economy became entirely monetarised. An elastic food supply and the relatively high wage rates demanded by the European immigrants contributed to the establishment of much higher living standards than those prevailing in the areas settled much earlier.
Today, the living conditions of the Latin American population as a whole are basically an outcome of the social structures that emerged during their first phase of modern development – from about 1870 to 1914 – and of the intensity of this development from that period up to the present time.