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This article tests the cross-national equivalence of the political protest scale, as developed by Barnes and Kaase, in 20 Western European countries using a battery of items included in the fourth wave of the European Values Study. The scale measuring the concept of political protest is widely used, but no evidence of cross-country equivalence has yet been provided in the literature. The article illustrates the concept of political protest, the relationship between concept formation, operationalization, and measurement equivalence, and the possible consequences of a lack of equivalence. It is argued that comparative research may be threatened by a lack of measurement equivalence. The spread of international surveys eases comparative designs, but at the same time enlarges the chances that we compare what is not actually comparable. The article then outlines an empirical strategy to assess the political protest scale's measurement equivalence. To assess cross-country equivalence, Mokken Scale Analysis, a nonparametric scaling method within the family of Item Response Theory models, is used. This has been shown to work better than Confirmatory Factor Analysis when dealing with dichotomous and polytomous items forming ordinal scales. The results show that the cross-country equivalence of the political protest scale depends on the type of measure the scholar wishes to build and use.
Why do some governments adopt unpopular reforms entailing far-reaching liberalization of the labor market, while others opt only for marginal adjustments or even regulatory reforms? This paper explains the likelihood of different types of reforms as an effect of different constellations of government partisanship and veto players. Combining the ‘blame avoidance’ and ‘veto players’ logics of politics, I argue that veto players have either a constraining or enabling effect depending on the partisan orientation of government. Liberalization is most likely to be adopted either by right parties facing few veto players, or by left parties in contexts with a high degree of power sharing. Regulatory reforms are most likely when left governments enjoy strong power concentration, but marginal regulation may also be adopted under external pressure by right governments facing many veto players. An analysis of employment protection reforms in 24 European Union countries during 1990–2007 supports the argument that the effect of political constraints and opportunities on the choice of reforms is shaped by partisan differences.
The protection of human rights is a central task of many modern constitutions. This protective task is principally transferred onto the judiciary and involves the judicial review of governmental action. The protection of human rights may be limited to judicial review of the executive. But in its expansive form, it extends to the review of parliamentary legislation. And where this is the case, human rights will set “substantive” limits within which democratic government must take place. The European Union follows this second constitutional tradition. It considers itself to be “founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights”. Human rights are thus given a “foundational” place in the Union. They are – literally – “fundamental” rights, which constitutionally limit the exercise of all Union competences.
What are the sources of human rights in the Union legal order? While there was no “Bill of Rights” in the original Treaties, three sources for European fundamental rights were subsequently developed. The European Court first began distilling general principles protecting fundamental rights from the constitutional traditions of the Member States. This unwritten bill of rights was inspired and informed by a second bill of rights: the European Convention on Human Rights. This external bill of rights was, decades later, matched by a written bill of rights specifically for the European Union: the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
This Part concentrates on the “enforcement” of European law in the courts. We shall see that European law establishes rights and obligations that directly affect individuals. The direct effect of European law in the national legal orders will be discussed in Chapter 5. Where a European norm is directly effective, it will also be “supreme” over national law. The “supremacy” of European law is the subject of Chapter 6. How will individuals enforce their “supreme” European rights? Chapters 7 and 8 look at the dual enforcement machinery within the Union legal order. Individuals will typically enforce their European rights in national courts. And in order to assist these courts in the interpretation and application of European law, the Union envisages a preliminary reference procedure. But the Union legal order has equally required national courts to provide effective remedies for the enforcement of European rights, and has even created a European remedy of state liability. Having the indirect enforcement of European law through the national courts discussed in Chapter 7, the direct enforcement of European law in the European Courts will be explored in Chapter 8.
The second pillar of European competition law focuses – in principle – on the behaviour of a single undertaking. Article 102 does not require the collusive behaviour of two or more economic actors. It can sanction the unilateral behaviour of a dominant undertaking where this behaviour amounts to a “market abuse”. The provision states:
Any abuse by one or more undertakings of a dominant position within the internal market or in a substantial part of it shall be prohibited as incompatible with the internal market in so far as it may affect trade between Member States.
Such abuse may, in particular, consist in:
(a) directly or indirectly imposing unfair purchase or selling prices or other unfair trading conditions;
(b) limiting production, markets or technical development to the prejudice of consumers;
(c) applying dissimilar conditions to equivalent transactions with other trading parties, thereby placing them at a competitive disadvantage;
(d) making the conclusion of contracts subject to acceptance by the other parties of supplementary obligations which, by their nature or according to commercial usage, have no connection with the subject of such contracts.
The provision encapsulates a number of fundamental choices with regard to the European economic constitution. For by concentrating on a “dominant position within the internal market,” Article 102 goes beyond penalizing pure monopolies. In that respect it is wider than its American counterpart. But by insisting on market abuse, it is narrower than the American prohibition. For unlike the latter, Article 102 will not directly outlaw distorted market structures. Dominance is not itself prohibited – only the abuse of a dominant position. Once this abuse is however established it appears to be prohibited as such. For Article 102 has – unlike Article 101 – no “third paragraph” exempting abusive behaviour on the ground of its pro-competitive effects. However, like Article 101, the prohibition of market abuse will only apply where the abusive behaviour “may affect trade between Member States”. This jurisdictional condition indeed defines the scope of all European competition law.
The inclusion of a Treaty chapter on competition stemmed from the “general agreement that the elimination of tariff barriers would not achieve its objectives if private agreements of economically powerful firms were permitted to be used to manipulate the flow of trade”. Originally, European competition law was thus primarily conceived as a functional complement of the European law governing the internal market. While the free movement provisions were to protect the internal market from public interferences, the rules on competition were designed to protect it from private power. This link between the internal market and European competition law continues to be textually anchored in the Treaties. For the principal provisions on European competition law are found in Chapter 1 of Title VII on “Common Rules on Competition, Taxation and Approximation of Laws”. The Chapter is thereby divided into two Sections – one dealing with classic competition law, that is: “[r]ules applying to undertakings”; the other with public interferences in the market through “[a]ids granted by States” to private undertakings. Chapters 11 and 12 of this book will deal with the Treaty’s section on undertakings.
The English word “undertaking” has traditionally not meant what the European Treaties want it to mean. The word is a translation from the German and French equivalents, and was deliberately chosen to avoid pre-existing meanings in British company law. According to the European Court, an undertaking is “every entity engaged in an economic activity, regardless of the legal status of the entity and the way in which it is financed”. This definition ties the notion of undertaking to an activity instead of the institutional form of the actor. This functional definition broadens the personal scope of the competition rules to include entities that may – formally – not be regarded as companies. However, by concentrating on economic activities, the Court has excluded activities of a public nature. The advantage of a functional definition is its flexibility; its disadvantage however is its uncertainty. For depending on its actions, an entity may or may not be an “undertaking” within the meaning of EU competition law.
Since European law is directly applicable in the Member States, it must be applied alongside national law by national authorities. And since European law may have direct effect, it might come into conflict with national law in a specific situation.
Where two legislative wills come into conflict, each legal order must determine how these conflicts are to be resolved. The resolution of legislative conflicts requires a hierarchy of norms. Modern federal States typically resolve conflicts between federal and state legislation in favour of the former: federal law is supreme over State law. This “centralist solution” has become so engrained in our constitutional mentalities that we tend to forget that the “decentralized solution” is also possible: local law may reign supreme over central law. Supremacy and direct effect are thus not different sides of the same coin. While the supremacy of a norm implies its direct effect, the direct effect of a norm will not imply its supremacy. Each federal legal order must thus determine which law prevails. The simplest supremacy format is one that is absolute: all law from one legal order is superior to all law from the other. Absolute supremacy may however be given to the legal system of the smaller or the bigger political community. Between these two extremes lies a range of possible nuances.