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The comparative study of debt and fiscal consolidation has acquired a new focus in the wake of the global financial crisis. This paper re-evaluates the literature on fiscal consolidation that flourished during the 1980s and 1990s. The conventional approach to explanation is based on segmenting episodes of fiscal change into discrete observations. We argue that this misses the dynamic features of government strategy, especially in the choices made between expenditure-based and revenue-based fiscal consolidation strategies. We propose a focus on pathways rather than episodes of adjustment, to capture what Pierson terms ‘politics in time’. A case-study approach facilitates analysis of complex causality that includes the structures of interest intermediation, the role of ideas in shaping the set of feasible policy choices, and the situation of national economies in the international political economy. We support our argument with qualitative data based on two case studies, Ireland and Greece, and with additional paired comparisons of Ireland with Britain, and Greece with Spain. Our conclusions suggest that the conventional literature, by excluding key political variables from consideration, may distort our understanding and result in misleading policy prescription.
This article investigates the conceptual and theoretical implications of the logic of habit for the path-dependence approach. In the existing literature, we see two different logics of action associated with two distinct models of path dependence: the logic of consequences (instrumental rationality) is linked with utilitarian paths (i.e. increasing returns) and the logic of appropriateness (normative rationality) constitutes normative paths (normative lock-in). However, this study suggests that despite its popularity, the path-dependence approach remains underspecified owing to its exclusion or neglect of the logic of habit, which constitutes a distinct mechanism of reproduction or self-reinforcement in the institutional world. This article, therefore, introduces the notion of the ‘habitual path’ as a different model of path dependence. Although the idea of the habitual path is complementary with the existing models, owing to its distinctive notions of agency and mechanisms of path reproduction, it offers a different interpretation of continuity or regularity. Thus, by enriching the path-dependence approach, the notion of the habitual path would contribute to our comprehension of continuities and discontinuities in the political world.
Why have referendums on European integration proliferated since the 1970s? How are referendums accommodated within member states' constitutional orders and with what impact on the European integration process? What is the likely institutional impact of referendums on the future of the European integration process? Drawing on an interdisciplinary approach, these are just some of the fundamental questions addressed in this book. The central thesis is that the EU is faced with a 'direct democratic dilemma', which is compounded by the EU's rigid constitutional structure and a growing politicisation of the referendum device on matters related to European integration. Referendums and the European Union discusses how this dilemma has emerged to impact on the course of integration and how it can be addressed.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
In this chapter we review the two principal provisions that implement the competition policy whose aims and enforcement structure were discussed in Chapter 21. Article 101 TFEU applies to agreements between undertakings and declares these agreements void when they are found to restrict competition; Article 102 TFEU applies to dominant undertakings and forbids them from abusing their position. Since the end of the 1990s, the Commission has been engaged in a series of reform initiatives to the application of competition law, in response to criticisms that its approach was insufficiently grounded in economics and was overly aggressive. Explaining and evaluating this process of reform is the central theme of this chapter, which is organised in the following way.
Section 2 covers three legal issues that are common to both Articles: the meaning of an undertaking, the concept of an effect on trade between Member States, and judge-made rules that exclude the application of competition law.
Section 3 is a review of the key issues that have arisen in the application of Article 101. It is divided into three parts. First, we explore how this provision applies to activities that undermine the key aims of EU competition law (the protection of the consumer and the integration of markets). In particular we study how this provision tackles cartels, whose agreements cause them to act as a monopoly and reduce consumer welfare. A former Competition Commissioner characterised them as ‘cancers on the open market economy’. Catching and punishing cartels is at the heart of the functions of all competition authorities. This subsection of the chapter should be read together with section 3 of Chapter 21 which explains the powers the Commission has to find cartels and to penalise them. The task in this chapter is to examine how widely the meaning of the concepts of agreement and concerted practice have been used to catch collusion. Secondly, we consider how the Commission and European Courts determine whether agreements that are not obviously anti-competitive (for example, joint ventures and distribution agreements) are evaluated under Article 101(1) and consider different views on what the legal or economic standard for assessment is. Thirdly, we study how Article 101(3) is applied to exempt anti-competitive agreements and explore the debate between a narrow and a wide interpretation of this exemption.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter considers the different forms of law and regulatory acts in EU law, the legislative and regulatory procedures deployed to enact them and the debate about the democratic legitimacy of the Union. It is organised as follows.
Section 2 looks at the allocation of law-making power within the Treaties. The Treaties provide a series of legal bases which both grant the European Union authority to legislate in a particular field and determine the procedures and instruments which can be used. In cases of contestation reference will be had to the predominant aim and content of the measure to determine the base. If the measure is inextricably and equally associated with more than one base the Court of Justice will then apply a formal hierarchy between legal bases.
Section 3 discusses the types of legal instrument in EU law. There are four types of binding legislative instrument in EU law: Regulations, Directives, Decisions and international agreements. Problems have emerged because these legislative instruments have been used interchangeably. In addition, recent years has seen the growth of soft law: non-binding instruments which are used for a variety of purposes. These include setting out how EU institutions will apply EU law, and interpretations of EU law. This has led to hybrid situations where parties’ understanding of their rights and obligations is governed by a mix of hard and soft law.
Section 4 considers the central legislative procedures. The ordinary legislative procedure grants the Parliament the power of veto and the Council, acting by qualified majority voting (QMV), the power of assent over any Commission proposal. Under the assent procedure Parliament has the power of assent, a requirement for it actively to approve a proposal before it becomes law. Under the consultation procedure, Parliament is merely consulted on a Commission proposal with the Council taking the final decision. Increasingly, the formal features of the legislative procedures have been blurred by the development of trilogies: informal meetings between representatives from the three institutions, usually first taking place before the Council first considers the proposal, in which agreement is sought on the proposal.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter considers the infringement and sanctions proceedings that the European Commission may bring before the Court of Justice against Member States for failure to comply with EU law. It is organised as follows.
Section 2 considers the main features of the infringement proceedings set out in Articles 258–260 TFEU. The central provision is Article 258 TFEU which allows the Commission to take the Member State to the Court of Justice and to obtain a ruling that it has failed to comply with EU law. The roles of the proceedings are threefold: to secure compliance with EU law; to serve as an instrument which contributes to the effective functioning of EU policies; and to be a public law arena, in which the different interests of the EU institutions, Member States, complainants and EU citizens can be mediated. All three roles are important and there is a danger in over-emphasising any one.
Section 3 considers the scope of Member State responsibilities under Article 258 TFEU. Actions can be brought only against the Member State, but they can be brought for the failure of any state agency, including courts and local and regional government, even if it is constitutionally independent of the central government which is, in practice, the body against whom the action is taken. The Member State is also responsible not just for legal instruments that conflict with EU law but also administrative practices that conflict with EU law. These usually have to be general and consistent in nature to attract liability. The Member State is finally under a duty to secure and police the effective functioning of EU law, and will be held liable for a failure to do so.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter looks at the institutional settlement governing the European Union.
Section 2 looks at the institutional framework governing the European Union. This framework is subject to two different visions. One is that of institutional balance. EU institutions are only to have the powers provided for them by the EU Treaties. This is both to limit institutional power and to protect the prerogatives of other EU institutions. The other is that EU institutions are to promote the policies of the Union, its interests and those of its citizens. National governments can grant EU institutions any powers for this purpose, even outside the framework of the EU Treaties. If the initial vision was traditionally predominant, the latter has emerged strongly with the onset of the financial crisis. The powers of the EU institutions can no longer be understood simply through the lens of the EU Treaties. If this gives them greater capacities, it also raises concerns about their judicial and democratic control.
Section 3 considers the European Commission. An independent administration, the Commission has four central powers: legislative and quasi-legislative, agenda-setting, executive and supervisory. These extensive powers have increasingly proved too much for it, and so a wide array of its powers have been transferred to specialised European Regulatory Agencies, of which there are now thirty-six. However, even these powers are insufficient to secure the full administration and implementation of EU law and policy, which is predominantly done by national administrations with the Commission supervising them. The consequence is a pan-Union executive order made up of the Commission, European Regulatory Agencies and national administrations which carries out a large number of quasi-legislative, regulatory and executive tasks, and which is relatively unaccountable to broader democratic constituencies, either at a national or pan-Union level.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This Section of the book contains a survey of the main competition law provisions. Competition law forbids price fixing cartels among competitors and other agreements that restrict competition (Article 101 TFEU) and prohibits monopolies from abusing their position (Article 102 TFEU). Firms that infringe these rules may be fined by the Commission, and victims of such acts may seek damages. Law enforcement is discussed in Chapter 21 and the two Treaty provisions are discussed in Chapter 22. Competition law also monitors Member States’ regulation of markets and can be applied to prohibit anti-competitive legislation, as well as promote competition in markets where national law has prevented competition. In this context, there are overlaps between the enforcement of competition law and the rules regulating the internal market discussed in Chapters 15 to 20. In Chapter 23 we look specifically at the state aid rules in the Treaty (Articles 107 to 109 TFEU) which limit the Member States’ discretion to grant subsidies and other advantages to national firms. In light of the ongoing economic crisis the regulation of state aid is particularly poignant. There are two online chapters on competition law: Chapter 25 considers the role of EU law in markets subjected to heavy state regulation and traces the deregulatory impact of EU law intervention. Finally, Chapter 26 considers the EU’s merger policy.
When the EEC Treaty was negotiated, there was considerable pressure by Americans, but also by segments of Europe’s academic community, that competition law should be included in the Treaty. However, at that time, the ‘culture of competition’ had yet to emerge in most Member States, who traditionally favoured cartel arrangements, state intervention and the promotion of national champions. Indeed, some Member States only introduced national competition laws as late as the 1990s, and even today in some countries enforcement is emerging or unstable. Thus, when provisions were first introduced to curb restrictive practices in the coal and steel sector (by Articles 65 and 66 of the ECSC Treaty), these were an innovation for the Member States.
Within the framework of the provisions set out below, restrictions on freedom to provide services within the Union shall be prohibited in respect of nationals of Member States who are established in a Member State other than that of the person for whom the services are intended.
The concept of “services” is a relatively recent one, both in economic and in legal terms. While from today’s perspective the provision of services has always been an important field of the economy, it was only in the 1940s and 1950s that scholars started to conceptualize services as a distinct economic sector. In comparison to trade in goods, the legal framework for transnational trade in services began to evolve with a significant time lag. Negotiations for a global agreement on trade in services were initiated only in the 1980s, during the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) which emerged from them, came into force in 1995. The number of the Court’s cases in the field of services grew significantly during the same period.
Over the past decade, legislation and adjudication on the free movement of services has been one of the most dynamic, but also one of the most controversial, of the Treaty freedoms. The dynamic character of the field is owed to the fact that the integration of a European market in services essentially dates back only to the 1980s and 1990s. This means that a considerable number of regulatory questions are not yet fully settled, and that the legal framework has not yet been fully stabilized. Consequently, controversies persist, as unsolved regulatory questions are liable to attract different, sometimes conflicting, answers. A central field of controversy has been the area of public services. The main question in this regard has been the following: what does EU law require in a situation where a private provider wishes to offer the same service as is offered by a public provider? The question has important implications, because the issue of public services has been the center of a political conflict since the 1980s: some policymakers believed that private enterprises could provide public services more efficiently than public operators, whereas others believed that public operators were more efficient and could serve the public interest better.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter considers the ideas and rights associated with European Union citizenship. This is granted by the Treaty to all those who are citizens of one of the Member States of the European Union. The chapter is organised as follows.
Sections 2 and 3 discuss ideas of citizenship.
(a) Modern citizenship evolved in the period of the industrial revolution, following the American and French revolutions. Society became less feudal and more democratic and individuals acquired more rights and possibilities. The core elements of the resulting notion of citizenship were legally enforceable rights, loyalty, a sense of belonging to the national community and participation in political decision-making.
(b) One view of European Union citizenship is that it follows this tradition. On this view, citizenship is a limited success. Rights are primarily for those who migrate and who are economically active or independent. The sense of a community of Europeans is but a pale shadow of that found in nation-states and citizens do not have political rights to participate in some of the most important elections.
(c) Others would like to see Union citizenship break with nationality and include all those living within the European Union, even if they have the nationality of a non-EU state. This would make Union citizenship more open, accessible and a true challenge to nationalism, arguably in the original spirit of the Union.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
Article 34 TFEU prohibits restrictions on the import of goods from other Member States. Case law has divided measures which may be restrictions into three categories, governed by three important cases, Dassonville, Cassis de Dijon and Keck. The structure of the chapter reflects this.
Section 2 discusses the umbrella notion of a restriction on imports, which is provided in Dassonville. This case established a very broad scope to Article 34, applying to any measure which impedes imports, however that effect is achieved. Alfa Vita even suggests that if a measure results in reduced sales of certain goods this may be enough to bring it within Article 34.
Section 3 discusses the application of Article 34 to product rules. The basis for this application is provided in Cassis de Dijon. Product rules are rules which require producers to change some aspect of the physical product or its packaging before it may be sold. Examples are rules which only allow the sale of foodstuffs made in certain ways, or which limit the kinds of containers that can be used for soft drinks. The Court of Justice held in Cassis de Dijon that even if these rules apply equally to imports and domestic products, they are nevertheless restrictions on imports.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter considers the judicial order of the European Union: the Court of Justice and the institutional relations between it and national courts and tribunals.
Section 2 considers
the Court of Justice of the European Union. The institution comprises three courts: the Court of Justice, the General Court and the European Union Civil Service Tribunal. The Court is to ensure that in the interpretation and application of the Treaties the law is observed. It has full jurisdiction over the Treaties other than over the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the validity of operations of police or other law-enforcement services, and the substantive grounds on which a Member State may be expelled from the Union. Its jurisdiction is, however, restricted by the procedures through which a case may come before it. The main one described in this chapter is the preliminary reference procedure in Article 267 TFEU which allows national courts to seek references from the Court of Justice on points of EU law necessary to decide the dispute in front of them.
Section 3 considers the architecture of the preliminary reference procedure. The Court of Justice rules on points of EU law which bind the national referring court. National courts have a monopoly over the adjudication of disputes, and thus questions of fact and national law. The only subjects of this procedure are courts. Institutional relations are not governed by a system of appeal by individuals but a reference from a national court to the Court of Justice on a point of EU law. The Court of Justice has sought to expand the subjects of this judicial order by allowing bodies, which would be considered regulatory or administrative bodies rather than courts under national law, to refer. It has also granted all of these an unfettered and immediate right to refer. This has created a direct relationship between it and every court in the Union which establishes the basis for a pan-Union judicial order. A question mark about this judicial order has been posed with the anticipated establishment of a new Unified Patent Court. This proposes a supranational judicial order dispersed across the Union to which individuals have direct access, and which does not rely for its functioning on a division of duties with the national courts in the same way as Article 267 TFEU.
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
This chapter considers the rights and remedies that EU law allows to be invoked in national courts. It is organised as follows.
Section 2 looks at the emergence of direct effect, the doctrine which provides for EU law to be invoked in national courts. Initially, direct effect was confined to a narrow range of provisions and seemed to offer limited entitlements to individuals. It imposed no positive duty on national administrations to secure individual rights or on other actors not to infringe them.
Section 3 looks at how, over time, direct effect was reconceptualised to provide rights which generate a full set of entitlements against all parties and impose a duty on administrations and courts to protect and realise these entitlements for individuals. This led to EU Treaty provisions being capable of being invoked both against the Member State ( vertical direct effect) and against private parties ( horizontal direct effect).
Section 4 considers what remedies and procedures are available to individuals where an EU provision is invoked in a domestic court. As a general rule, these are a matter for domestic law. This autonomy is subject to two constraints. The remedies and procedures for infringement of EU law rights should be, first, no less favourable than those for similar domestic claims and, secondly, should not make it practically impossible to exercise EU rights. However, there is a right to EU remedies in four circumstances: a right to restitution for illegally levied taxes; a right to interim relief pending a preliminary reference to the Court of Justice; a right to claim damages or force repayment of illegal subsidies in the field of EU competition law; and, finally, a right to sue the Member State for damages where a serious breach of EU law by it has led to loss for the individual.
Many Western countries reacted to the Great Depression of the 1930s with massive protectionism. After the Second World War, Western industrialized countries attempted to quickly establish a modicum of global free trade. Trade liberalization in Europe took place under the auspices of the Organization for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC) (now the OECD), an organization that had been created in 1948 to administer the postwar Marshall Plan. At the same time, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was conceived to liberalize trade on a global level. The European Economic Community (EEC) was therefore created by the Treaty of Rome in 1957 in a climate of trade liberalization.
In the 1950s, trade in goods was at the core of all trade liberalization efforts (in contrast, cross-border trade in services became a significant phenomenon only in the 1980s and 1990s). This is reflected in the legal structure of the EEC: its core was constituted by a customs union, which provided for the free movement of goods among the Member States unrestrained by tariffs, quantitative restrictions or measures having equivalent effect. However, the EEC was more than just a customs union: it aimed at a relatively far-reaching integration of the economies of the Member States, which provided not only for factor mobility (i.e. mobility of labor and capital), but also for a partial harmonization of the relevant national legislation. According to a well-known scheme of regional integration developed by economist Bela Balassa in the early 1960s, European economic integration as envisaged by the Treaty of Rome was considered already well-advanced (see Table 3.1).
Damian Chalmers, London School of Economics and Political Science,Gareth Davies, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam,Giorgio Monti, European University Institute, Florence
The European Union (EU) was founded in 1957 as an economic organization, as is indicated by its original name – the European Economic Community (EEC). The creation of an internal market among the European countries has been its central endeavor, and remains so to this day. According to Article 26(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), “the internal market shall comprise an area without internal frontiers in which the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital is ensured in accordance with the provisions of the Treaties.” Since the Union’s inception, however, its economic objectives were considered to be part of a broader, political mission. In the Union’s early days, this mission was to foster general rapprochement between the Western European countries and to enable reconciliation of Germany with its former enemies in the Second World War (as well as to ensure the long-term containment of Germany’s re-emerging economic power). While the political environment has changed in significant ways since then, the political ambition to promote increased openness of the European countries toward each other has remained unchanged. Article 1(2) TEU holds: “This Treaty marks a new stage in the process of creating an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe, in which decisions are taken as openly as possible and as closely as possible to the citizen.” The creation of such an ever-closer union among the European peoples appears as the EU’s central project, which the internal market is intended to support. The internal market must therefore be understood within the context of the Union’s broader, political goals.