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The rise of the land revenue regime in China, characterized by land dispossession in the countryside and land redevelopment in the city, has sparked numerous protests. This study draws attention to the paradox that the regime has helped to mitigate labour unrest, at least temporarily, in China's Rustbelt, where millions of workers were laid-off in the 1990s. Based on field research in Anshan, Liaoning province, and data from other cities in the Rustbelt, this article shows that laid-off workers’ protests persisted much longer than previously thought, largely owing to a lack of local fiscal resources to meet workers’ demands. Only with the growing revenue from land sales in the recent decade has the local government finally been able to ease the tension with laid-off workers. The article argues that bargained authoritarianism, or “buying stability,” widely considered to be an effective strategy by the local state to control social unrest, has its limits, mainly owing to its dependence on local fiscal resources. Recent economic downturns and declining land revenue will disrupt this strategy, leading to protracted protests and struggles in future.
Migrant construction workers are among the most vulnerable working populations in China as they are prone to facing the problem of wage arrears under the multi-tier subcontracting system. Based on ethnographic research of migrant construction workers in Tianjin, Shenzhen, Nanchang and Shaoguan, we examine workers’ divergent responses to wage arrears. While extant literature focuses on the positive role of informal networks in facilitating collective action, our findings indicate that the network structure between labour subcontractors and migrant workers plays a key role in enabling or constraining labour protests. We identify two network structures: the satellite network – characterized by arm's-length relationships between subcontractors and clusters of workers; and the spider-web network – characterized by strong relationships between subcontractors and their workers. We found that workers in satellite networks were prone to stage protests over wage arrears, but those in spider-web networks never held collective actions when facing the same problem. We argue that strong guanxi is a double-edged sword for the mobilization of labour protests and that workers’ responses to wage arrears are mediated through the network structure. Future studies may further scrutinize the role of a social network and its operating mechanisms in shaping workers’ working conditions and labour politics.
How can the law be employed pragmatically to facilitate development and underpin illiberal principles? The case of contemporary China shows that the law plays an increasingly important role in the country's illiberal approach to both domestic and China-related global affairs, which has posed intellectual challenges in understanding it with reference to conventional, Western legal concepts and theories. This book provides a systematic exploration of the sources of Chinese law as pragmatically reconfigured in context, aiming to fill the gap between written and practised law. In combination with fieldwork investigations, it conceptualises various formal and informal laws, including the Constitution, congressional statutes, supreme court interpretations, judicial documents, guiding cases and judicial precedents. Moreover, it engages a theoretical analysis of legal instrumentalism, illuminating how and why the law works as an instrument for authoritarian legality in China, with international reflections on other comparable regimes.
Utilising archives in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan and the USA, Nagatomi Hirayama examines the pivotal role of the Chinese Youth Party in China in the transformative years 1918-51. Tracing the party's birth in 1923 during the May Fourth movement, its revolutionary path to the late 1930s, and its de-radicalization in the 1940s, Hirayama discusses the emergence of the Chinese Youth Party as a robust revolutionary movement on the right, characterized by its cultural conservatism, political intellectualism, and national socialism. Although its history is relatively unknown, Hirayama argues that the Chinese Youth Party represented a serious competitor to the Chinese Communist Party and Guomindang, and proved to be of particular significance during World War II and China's Civil War. Shedding light on the ideas and practices of the Chinese Youth Party provides a significant lens through which to view the Chinese radical right in the first half of the twentieth century.
This chapter first explores how the CYP mobilized radicalized Chinese youths to take part in its violent actions. Subsequently, it explores the CYP’s successes and failures in its military operations through its earlier attempt to found a party army, as well as through its Anti-Japanese guerrilla wars, its uprising in west Hunan, and its participation in the Fujian rebellion. By so doing, this chapter highlights that the CYP founders were not simply intellectuals using the pen as their weapon, but also fought with guns when they strove to materialize their national socialist beliefs. As a result, the CYP also stood out as a distinct revolutionary force representing the radical right in the stage of China’s mass party politics.
As the conclusion of this book, I highlight the CYP as a strong historical reference for those wishing to understand the historical evolution of the ideological perceptions and practices of the radical right in the twentieth century. First, I look at the Chinese political right in the early twentieth-century world, ideologically formed in the wake of the Great War. I also discuss the political right in twentieth-century China through a comparison with the short-lived Blue Shirts of the GMD in the 1930s and the right-turning CCP of Contemporary China. Finally, I highlight the CYP’s political fate in the post-1949 years with a brief reflection on the present day as final remarks of this book.
Despite the intensified Chinese nationalism in the Resistance War, ironically the CYP leaders found their radical nationalism lost its solid support in Chinese society. Furthermore, the CYP also lost its dominant influence in Sichuan, resulting in significant political weakening in its struggle with the GMD and the CCP. It was in this context the CYP began to deradicalize. This chapter examines this sudden change and discusses in four sections how the CYP reached “Roosevelt” from “Mussolini.” The first section examines how the CYP unrevolutionized as both the international and internal situations forced the CYP to accommodate more liberalist politics. The second section documents the CYP’s contribution to forming and splitting the Chinese Democratic League in its struggles with the CCP and the GMD. The third section delineats the inter-party relations between the CYP and GMD in the mid-1940s. Finally, the fourth section explores the CYP’s collaboration and competition with the GMD in both state and local elections for the National Assembly and Legislative and Control Yuans between 1947 and 1948.
This chapter reconsiders the radicalization process of the May Fourth youth through the founding of the CYP in Europe and the collapse of the YCA in China. This chapter first highlights how the different material conditions in Europe laid a significant foundation for the emergence of different ideologies among those Chinese students working and studying in Europe. Subsequently, by examining the radicalizing political confrontations between the founders of the CCP and CYP in both Europe and China, this chapter demonstrates how the CYP founders became radicalized and set out for a national socialist revolution in 1923.
What does “radical right” mean in China? If it is difficult to understand its meaning in the political discourse of twenty-first century China (as the current CCP regime claims to represent the left and the liberalist forces the right), we could understand it as an enduring ideology specific to the Chinese context in the Republican era. In particular, the Chinese Youth Party with its version of national socialism can be a good lens through which to view this ideology. Incorporating my interview with Mrs. Zhao Yusheng, a minor member of the CYP, I define the “radicalness” and the “right-ness” of the CYP first, and then discuss its historical and historiographical importance in the making and unmaking of the Chinese radical right from the early 1920s to late 1940s.
This chapter explores the ideas and political movements of the CYP in warlord China through three sections. The first section characterizes the CYP’s ideology by its cultural conservatism, political intellectualism, and integral nationalism based on a combination of transformed federalism and corporatism specific to the Chinese sociopolitical context, particularly through the ideological debates of the CYP founders with Communists between 1924 and 1927. The second section delves into the CYP’s mass political movements of different types. Finally, as a precondition for the CYP’s rapid development in north China and Manchuria, the third section explores how the CYP created friendly political environments by collaborating with leading regional warlords in different periods.