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China is experiencing rapid growth in urbanization in the current transitional period, but the real level of China's urbanization remains unclear, although no longer mysterious. The problem stems not from deficiency of published data, but from inconsistencies and ambiguities in China's official data on the urban population. In China, four major factors affect the size of urban population and therefore the urbanization level: the criteria for designating a settlement as urban, the physical and administrative boundaries of places so demarcated, the household registration (hukou) system and the urban status of floating people. The controversies related to these four factors include what kind of settlements should be included in the urban territory and what kind of people should be included in the urban population. Our objectives in this paper are: (1) to clarify current understandings on and to examine the weaknesses in China's urban concept and official data; and (2) to readjust China's urban population data and hence the level of urbanization in line with both the international practice and the situation found in China. Drawing on a comprehensive review of the official criteria for urban designation and the official indicators for urban population, we first identify the important issues that create confusion and controversies. This background is then used to develop a conceptual framework for an estimate of China's urban population. Finally, based on a series empirical studies, China's urban population and urbanization level adjusted.
China scholars agree that there was a leadership transition in China in the 1980s, with old revolutionary guards being replaced by a generation of young, better educated Communist officials. This leadership transition has been a subject of intensive scholarly research in the West. However, few have paid attention to ethnic representation in the post-Mao Chinese leadership. This may be a result of data limitations. Are there cadres of ethnic background in the current Chinese leadership? Who are they? Do they differ from their predecessors in Mao's China and from their Han counterparts in post-Mao China? Have the selection criteria been changed over time?
During the “high tide” of the Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1968, almost every urban school and work unit erupted in dissension and factionalism, very often spiralling into violence. Amidst exaggerated charges, a great many basic-level leaders were toppled from below and humiliated – or worse. In every city, so-called Rebel and Conservative factions emerged from the mêlée and fought each other in the streets.