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13057 results in East Asian government, politics and policy

Page 298 of 653

  • 1 - Introduction

  • Edited by Jacques Bertrand, University of Toronto, Andre Laliberte, University of Ottawa
  • Book:
    Multination States in Asia
    Published online:
    05 June 2012
    Print publication:
    22 March 2010, pp 1-28

  • Summary

    Multination states have been unstable. The presence of more than one group seeking status as a “nation” within the boundaries of a single state has given rise to strong tensions that have generally been difficult to overcome. The means by which these tensions are addressed and the instruments available for seeking compromises between states and such groups largely determine the extent to which violence can be avoided.

    In the worst cases, the world has witnessed long periods of violent conflict. The breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the subsequent war, as well as the long-standing conflict in Sri Lanka are two of the most glaring examples. More often than not, one group gains control of the state and imposes its own view of an overarching national identity. This is rejected by the other group, which sees itself as a distinct nation. The conflict often takes the form of a sub-state nationalist movement against the state, but in reality it reflects intense disagreements based on competing nationalist visions. While one group may make strong claims that the state represents a single nation that can be defined inclusively, it may clash with a group within the state that refuses to be encapsulated within that vision. As happened in Sri Lanka, such a single nation might even exclude a group entirely by defining itself in cultural, exclusivist terms.

  • 6 - The Dilemmas of Burma's Multinational Society

  • Edited by Jacques Bertrand, University of Toronto, Andre Laliberte, University of Ottawa
  • Book:
    Multination States in Asia
    Published online:
    05 June 2012
    Print publication:
    22 March 2010, pp 136-163

  • Summary

    Since Burma won its independence in 1948, successive Burmese governments have confronted claims of multiple sub-state nationalist groups to the right of greater autonomy and separate independent states. The common position taken by all Burmese central governments is that appeasing such demands could create a domino effect leading to the breakup of the country, and thus it is believed that these movements must be contained as much as possible. Concern over losing political power and control of economic resources is another reason why the Burmese governments have been reluctant to devolve power to the sub-national levels.

    This chapter assesses policies and practices implemented by successive governments toward sub-state nationalist groups in post-colonial Burma. It stresses, in particular, the Shan, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, Arakan, and Chin – the seven largest sub-state nationalist groups, whose names correspond to the current seven states in Burma. The first part of the chapter sets out historical paths that laid the foundation for Burma's multiple nations and analyzes the emergence of sub-state nationalist movements. The period after independence saw the central authorities attempting to appease secessionist demands by forming three ethnically based states and by giving them considerable civil and political freedom and the right to express ethnic identity. However, a lack of consensus within the ruling coalition (the majority of whom later took up arms against the state), failure to implement greater autonomy at the regional levels, and weak state infrastructure handicapped the government's ability to handle competing claims made by sub-state nationalist groups.

Bureaucracy, Economy, and Leadership in China
  • The Institutional Origins of the Great Leap Forward
  • David Bachman
  • Published online:
    21 March 2010
    Print publication:
    26 April 1991
  • In this book David Bachman examines the origins of the Great Leap Forward (GLF), a programme of economic reform that must be considered one of the great tragedies of Communist China, estimated to have caused the death of between 14 and 28 million Chinese. While standard accounts interpret the GLF as chiefly the brainchild of Mao Zedong and as a radical rejection of a set of more moderate reform proposals put forward in the period 1956 to 1957, Bachman proposes a provocative reinterpretation of the origins of the GLF that stresses the role of the bureaucracy. Using a neo-institutionalist approach to analyse economic policy-making leading up to the GLF, he argues that the GLF must be seen as the produce of an institutional process of policy-making. This book offers a reinterpretation of one of the most important episodes in the history of the People's Republic as well as a framework with which to analyse the role of institutions more generally in the political economy of the PRC.

  • The Listing of Chinese State-Owned Banks and their Path to Banking and Ownership Reform

  • Paul B. McGuinness, Kevin Keasey
  • Journal:
    The China Quarterly / Volume 201 / March 2010
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    16 March 2010, pp. 125-155
    Print publication:
    March 2010

  • China's leading state-owned banks have undergone radical transformation in recent years, with six of the country's top seven players listed in both Hong Kong and Shanghai. We first consider how the banks were reorganized for initial public offering, in terms of the removal of non-performing loans and the massive recapitalization of their balance sheets. Second, and more importantly, we consider whether they have been able to retain market share, further commercialize and enhance overall financial positions post-listing. Through in-depth case analysis of the six state-owned banks, we show that post-initial public offering they have significantly improved profitability, loan book size, loan book quality and capital reserve protection. However, we caution that the debilitating effects of the global credit crunch may slow or even arrest further progress across these dimensions in the near term. We conclude that China's leading banks have benefited materially from their transition, and have accordingly developed a range of competitive and co-operative strategies not only to sustain domestic market advantage but also to penetrate overseas markets.

  • What is New in the “New Rural Co-operative Medical System”? An Assessment in One Kazak County of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region*

  • Sascha Klotzbücher, Peter Lässig, Qin Jiangmei, Susanne Weigelin-Schwiedrzik
  • Journal:
    The China Quarterly / Volume 201 / March 2010
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    16 March 2010, pp. 38-57
    Print publication:
    March 2010
    • Article
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  • In 2002, the Chinese leadership announced a change in national welfare policy: Voluntary medical schemes at county level, called the “New Rural Co-operative Medical System” should cover all counties by 2010. This article addresses the main characteristics of this system, analyses the introduction of local schemes based on our own field studies in one Kazak county of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region since 2006, and argues that the fast progressing of the local scheme and the flexibility shown by local administrators in considering structural and procedural adjustments are not the result of central directives but of local initiatives. Recentralization from the township governments to functional departments in the provincial and the central state administration is only one aspect of current rural governance. Complementary forms of locally embedded responsiveness to the needs of health care recipients are crucial in restructuring the administration and discharge of health care. These new modes of governance are different from the hierarchical control and institutionalized representation of interests of the local population.

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