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The reform era began with the removal of Mao-era elites from leadership positions on a scale theretofore unseen in the People's Republic of China. Rather than depending on incentives to mobilize Mao-era cadres to support Reform and Opening, the new reform leadership brought in younger, better educated pro-reform elites. This article thus proposes a Personnel Model, in which the Communist Party brings in sympathetic cadres to implement major shifts in the Party line. Furthermore, personnel changes were first imposed on the military, then on the civilian apparatus. We show the large scale and rapid implementation of these reforms in 1982–1984 using an original database of over 60,000 cadres drawn from Organizational Histories.
This book explains how South Korea has uniquely transformed itself from a developing to a developed country by combining economic analysis with historical perspective, an approach badly needed but rarely taken by previous studies. The book shows that the country has done so through a tortuous process. It first explains how Korea failed earlier in history to emerge as a developing rather than a developed country after the Second World War but South Korea began to grow rapidly in the 1960s. It then explains that the country has sustained growth while undergoing recurring crises, examining three conditions for sustaining growth: macroeconomic management, structural transformation, and social conflict management. While doing so, the book interprets some important subjects differently from the previous studies; it also explains some other important subjects they have not covered sufficiently. The book finally discusses questions for the future briefly.
China's goal of carbon neutrality by 2060 requires a significant transformation of energy systems and the economy, raising critical questions about the domestic energy legal and regulatory systems. This book critically analyses the development and implementation of energy laws and regulations related to crucial strategies and pathways towards carbon neutrality, namely decarbonising power supply, enabling fuel switching, electrifying end-use in transport and industry, and adopting carbon removal mechanisms. It offers rich legal details and insights into regulatory processes and arrangements that underpin energy market reform and liberalisation, while also examining the role of law and regulatory measures in promoting technological advancements and supply chains for decarbonisation, with a focus on renewable energy, energy efficiency and storage, electric vehicles, critical transition minerals and carbon removal mechanisms.
This study exploits rich data sources to investigate city-level patterns of internal migration policies in response to the reform of Chinese household registration and the economic, political and sociocultural determinants that drive policy approaches. First, we collected and systematically coded policy documents from 231 cities. Cluster analyses showed that the majority of cities (63%) adopted less lenient selection policies while offering integrative social welfare policies. Rights to internal migration remain selectively granted in China, yet rights to welfare have become more equitable than they were in the past because of the reform. Second, multinomial regression analyses showed that economic development and growth are related to selection policies that are more lenient towards high-skilled migrants, whereas top-down controls of superior governments, local politicians’ characteristics (e.g. tenure concerns and hometown favouritism) and migrants’ sociocultural environments (e.g. pre-existing labour disputes) account for both selection and integration policies.
This chapter seeks to first empirically establish the relationship between countries’ market failures and their level of infrastructure spending. It then seeks to test the most likely explanations for Chinese foreign spending based on explanations relating to FDI from Western MNCs. Notably, the results do not yield convincing results that these variables can account for Chinese foreign spending patterns. This finding supports the need for a novel approach to Chinese foreign spending in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative.
The chapter begins with a brief summary of the theory and findings. It then examines whether the strong relationship between electoral autocracies and Chinese foreign spending is evident among a wider range of issues based on analysis of United Nations General Assembly votes. The findings indicate that electoral autocracies have displayed a markedly higher propensity to vote with China since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative. The chapter then discusses theoretical, policy, and business implications in turn.
To explain countries’ varying participation in the Belt and Road Initiative, this chapter begins with a discussion of recipient country characteristics that impact the demand for Chinese spending, including the political regime, clientelism, and the public-private orientation of the corporate sector. It then discusses the supply-side factors that influence Chinese foreign spending, including the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), state-owned entities (e.g., SOEs), and private firms. Finally, it evaluates the compatibility of these demand and supply characteristics. The key prediction is that electoral autocracies will display the strongest compatibility with Chinese foreign construction spending. This is amplified when the leaders of these regimes have a weak or insecure hold on power. Electoral autocracies are also predicted to be the most avid adopters of Chinese standards stemming from their eagerness for Chinese infrastructure spending.