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In this essay, Xu argues for the creation of a “new Chinese universalism” based on the ancient notion of tianxia, or “all-under-heaven.” This is his contribution to a wide-ranging debate, sparked by China’s rise to great power status, concerning a possible return to China’s past views of her role in the world. While most voices in this debate were highly nationalistic, Xu seeks to craft a liberal stance on the question, arguing that China’s traditional view of its place in the world was in fact considerably more open than that espoused by today’s chauvinist thinkers; China claimed to be universal and sought to educate the world instead of insisting on its uniqueness and shutting its doors. Xu further suggests that a return to such a stance might help China arrive at better relations with her ethnic minority communities such as the Tibetans and the Uighurs, and that the return to pre-Westphalian view of foreign relations might improve China’s relations with her East Asian neighbors.
The introduction presents the author, Xu Jin, and his work, providing a context for understanding the rise of public intellectuals like Xu. It follows the evolution of the post-Mao intellectual world in China from the 1980s to the present day, illustrating how China’s opening to the world and embrace of globalization has produced a newly sophisticated cohort of public intellectuals who are extremely sophisticated and well-versed in both Chinese and Western styles of knowledge production. It further analyzes the consequences of China’s rise on China’s public intellectuals, noting how this rise has produced a self-confident “Chinese academy” in which groups like the New Left and the New Confucians have largely embraced China’s burgeoning Party-State, leaving the Liberals—the group to which Xu Jilin belongs—as the only serious critics of China’s regime. The chapter concludes by offering a reading of Xu Jilin’s work as a liberal—but not a dissident—response to these changes.
The introduction presents the author, Xu Jin, and his work, providing a context for understanding the rise of public intellectuals like Xu. It follows the evolution of the post-Mao intellectual world in China from the 1980s to the present day, illustrating how China’s opening to the world and embrace of globalization has produced a newly sophisticated cohort of public intellectuals who are extremely sophisticated and well-versed in both Chinese and Western styles of knowledge production. It further analyzes the consequences of China’s rise on China’s public intellectuals, noting how this rise has produced a self-confident “Chinese academy” in which groups like the New Left and the New Confucians have largely embraced China’s burgeoning Party-State, leaving the Liberals—the group to which Xu Jilin belongs—as the only serious critics of China’s regime. The chapter concludes by offering a reading of Xu Jilin’s work as a liberal—but not a dissident—response to these changes.
This essay focuses on the notion of “historicism” and its importance to contemporary China. Historicism is a worldview that appeared first in early nineteenth-century Germany as a response to the Napoleonic invasion following the French revolution. Against the French insistance that their values were universal, the Germans argued instead that local culture, as manifested particularly in the state, remained primordial. Xu’s argument is that China’s current defense of the “uniqueness” of Chinese culture is in fact a reenactment of the original German reaction, and serves the same purpose: to rally a weaker people around a state so as to resist calls to embrace universal values. Xu’s argument is that such claims open the door to political manipulations that exagerate the differences between China and “the West” in order to strengthen the state at the expense of the individual or of civil society. Xu insists that the dichotomy between local “culture” and universal “civilization” is false, and that China, as a great power, must embrace universality and make its own contribution to world civilization.
In this article, the author uses Charles Taylor’s Modern Social Imaginaries, a retelling of the history of Western modernity which ends in a discussion of multiple modernities, to offer a similar retelling of the narrative of modern China. In so doing, suggests that China’s history is part of world history, or at least that there are similarities in the patterns of development followed by important world civilizations. In part, this is a criticism of the many Chinese thinkers who argue for the utter uniqueness of China’s historical experience. At the same time, Xu takes pains to highlight the particularities of China’s past, contrasting traditional China’s “social imaginary” with that of the West. The long discussion of the relationship in China between the “family-state,” tianxia, and the self is meant to educate Xu’s readers in the intricacies of self and social definition under Confucianism, and he takes pains to illustrate both the strengths and the weaknesses of the traditional order.
This essay addresses the question of China’s civilizational crisis. This crisis began in the mid-nineteenth century with China’s defeat at the hands of the British in the Opium War, and has continued down to the present day, despite China’s recent reemergence as a great power. Xu argues that China has mastered the technical aspects of modernity, what he calls its “wealth and power” dimension, which has fueled China’s spectacular economic progress over the past few decades. The challenge that remains to be faced, however, is cultural: China still cannot decide whether to fully embrace globalization and the universal values of modernity, or instead to attempt to fashion a uniquely Chinese culture based on China’s ancient civilization. In complex arguments involving both Western and Chinese intellectual histories, Xu argues that this is in fact a false choice. To become a truly great power, China must adopt universal values, adopting these values to China’s needs and adding China’s wisdom to the existing content of universal values. Attempts to craft a “uniquely Chinese civilization” for the 21st century are counter-productive and bound to fail.
This essay is a more scholarly version of Chapter 1, and illustrates Xu Jilin’s role as a professional academic, a role which provides the foundation for his stature as a public intellectual. Xu offers a reassessment of China’s May Fourth movement and the reflections it inspired as a means of reflecting once again on the tensions between culture and civilization. He traces these tensions across two generations of Chinese intellectuals in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, illustrating the complexity of the issues, their interaction with the politics of the time, and hence the evolving nature of the debate. The text serves as a reminder to current Chinese readers that the current debates in China over universal values and Chinese traditions is part of a much longer tradition, and thus that history must inform current discussions.
In this essay, Xu turns his attention to the place of Confucianism in China’s present and future. He turns his attention away from the New Left, the subject of several chapters in this volume, and toward the New Confucians, who, in his view, are attempting to use the Party-State’s embrace of “Chinese tradition” to their own ends. Xu examines three possibilities for Confucianism: as a political system, as a religion, and as a “civil teaching.” He finds Confucian politics wanting: even under the dynasties the “harmonious order” ballyhooed by today’s New Confucians did not exist; Confucianism existed largely as window-dressing for Legalist realpolitik. As religion, Confucianism lacks the salvational power of other religions such as Buddhism and Christianity, and would not be competitive. Xu endorses, however, the idea of Confucianism’s reinhabiting the role of a “civil teaching,” a body of beliefs that could help Chinese society relocate a core consensus on basic values.
China's rise to power is the signal event of the twenty-first century, and this volume offers a contemporary view of this nation in ascendancy from the inside. Eight recent essays by Xu Jilin, a popular historian and one of China's most prominent public intellectuals, critique China's rejection of universal values and the nation's embrace of Chinese particularism, the rise of the cult of the state and the acceptance of the historicist ideas of Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss. Xu's work is distinct both from better-known voices of dissent and also from the 'New Left' perspectives, offering instead a liberal reaction to the complexity of China's rise. Yet this work is not a shrill denunciation of Xu's intellectual enemies, but rather a subtle and heartfelt call for China to accept its status as a great power and join the world as a force for good.
Scholars studying Chinese development have long acknowledged the significance of the hukou system in impeding internal migration and defining welfare entitlements. However, another crucial barrier is often overlooked: the incomplete transferability of acquired welfare rights. By examining the case of the Urban Employee Basic Pension System, this paper aims to understand how the limited transferability of acquired rights acts as an obstacle to labour migration and entitlement accomplishment. It also seeks to explore the factors that are accountable for the low level of welfare rights transferability. Our findings suggest that migration and entitlement barriers today may not be so much a question of a particular form of hukou exclusion but more of a problem of insufficient rights portability. An in-depth understanding of the structural constraints of China's reform-era migration and rights attainment needs to take into account the transferability of welfare entitlements for migrant workers, and go beyond a narrow conceptualization of the hukou system per se.
China's response to the recent Syria crisis at the UN Security Council represents a crucial case in China's approach to intervention in that it breaks from China's recent practice of becoming more permissive regarding intervention. Instead, China actively worked to ensure that a firm line was drawn to separate intervention from foreign-imposed regime change. It did so by employing three diplomatic innovations: exercising multiple, successive vetoes; expanding discourse to delegitimize intervention as “regime change” by Western powers; and engaging in norm-shaping of the international community's “responsibility to protect” post-intervention. Together, these three innovations highlight China's desire to firmly separate the intervention norm from that of regime change. Using a variety of primary sources, the article also draws insights from interviews with foreign policy elites in Beijing, New York and New Delhi.
Although current studies into Chinese food supply and quality provide explanations for the causality of food problems, there is limited inquiry into the role of the county government. This is a serious omission for two main reasons: first, because county governments perform a key role in providing support for farmers through agricultural extension services and farmers’ cooperatives, and second, because county-level administrative divisions are central to developing novel instruments to manage supply chain relationships, such as food production standards. We investigate the key players involved in standard making and delivery at the county level. We also analyse how and why the county government engages in standard-setting activities. We use Lin'an's bamboo shoot production industry as a case study to understand how the local state implements “hazard-free,” “green” and “forest food” production standards. The paper concludes that traditional conceptualizations of the local state do not sufficiently address how nature, knowledge of standards and state authority co-produce institutional capacity to control food supply and quality in China. In practice, the local state engages with non-state actors to achieve superficial environmental efforts, such as developing food production standards to throw a “green cloak” over a productivist model.
This study provides an overview of the origin, importance and strength of the non-leading cadre system and argues that the system plays a key role in building resilience in China's bureaucracy. The non-leading cadre system is administratively and politically important because it makes the party-state bureaucracy more adaptable and fosters cohesion among the elite cadre workforce. Although the system may appear to have institutionalized redundancy, this study argues that this redundancy has the benefit of making movement between leading and non-leading cadre status possible. In other words, the non-leading cadre system provides the various levels of the party-state bureaucracy with the leverage to develop their own measures for resolving their own problems. Putting aside the deficiencies in implementation, the non-leading cadre system is likely to remain durable and will help to develop an agile and resilient personnel management system, at least in the short to medium term.