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This chapter characterizes History as an interpretive discipline, one in which conclusions are drawn by applying critical thinking to the available evidence, rather than one that aims to achieve actionable results from experimental or observational results. It points out that History aims not at reproducible and definitive outcomes but at broadening and deepening inquiry. It seeks to define what kinds of questions historians most value, questions that contribute to and enable such deepening and widening inquiry. Finally, this chapter discusses in greater depth the methodological and epistemological division introduced in the Introduction, between those more attracted to the historicist tradition examined in Chapter 1 and those more attracted to the methods, aims, and epistemological assumptions of social-science theory and of critical social theory. The chapter discusses both the strengths and weaknesses of these competing traditions and the pedagogical benefit of introducing students to both – the unique intellectual flexibility that the study of the discipline of History can cultivate.
As mentioned in the earlier chapters, Camille's evolution as a Christian priest and a scholar of Indian traditions and his knowledge were shaped at the Calcutta School of Indology – an umbrella institution, which made a genuine, rational and scientific approach to explore, examine and explain Indology to its members, to the wider Indian scholarly community and to the entire world. One must recognise the fundamental ethos of the Calcutta School of Indology as reflected in Camille's body of work. Not only did he produce some of the most extraordinary works on ancient and medieval Indian literature, philosophy and theology, but he also undertook the herculean and exceptional campaign to indigenise Christian sacred texts, philosophy and theology for ordinary Indians.
Camille's most renowned contribution to the field of Indology is his study of the Ramkatha; his doctoral thesis was turned into a celebrated book titled Ramkatha: Utpatti Aur Vikas. Right from its publication, this book was considered a tour de force, and as Dineshwar Prasad argues, Camille's work on the Ramkatha is the first of its kind that ‘compiled the narrative from various Indian and foreign sources and analysed each and every fact and meaning of it through a systematic, scientific and conclusive research’ (D. Prasad 2002, p. 22). Camille explored the Ramayana literature beyond Sanskrit and Hindi and studied ‘Tamil, Telegu, Malayalam, Kannada, Bengali, Kashmiri and Sinhalese’ versions of the story (D. Verma 1950, p. 6). The renowned Hindi littérateur Dhirendra Verma1 called this book an ‘encyclopaedia of the Ramkatha narrative’ that includes ‘the Rama-Story found abroad and in this connection information available from Tibet, Khotan, Indonesia, Indo- China [Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam], Siam [Thailand], Burma [Myanmar]’ (ibid.). The details and scholarly analysis highlight that ‘its range is simply astounding and kaleidoscopic’ (ibid.).
Camille's book is a testament to the broad sphere of Indian civilisational influence around South-East Asia based on the popularity of the Ramkatha. The story of Rama (Ramkatha) remained his lifelong passion, and apart from revising this book, he also wrote several research essays in Hindi, English, French and Flemish on this theme.
In the decades after the Great Famine, from about 1850, the Irish Catholic Church underwent a 'devotional revolution' and grew wealthy on a 'voluntary' system of payments from ordinary lay people. This study explores the lives of the people who gave the money. Focusing on both routine payments made to support clerical incomes and donations towards building the vast Catholic infrastructure that emerged in the period, Money and Irish Catholicism offers an intimate insight into the motivations, experiences, and emotions of ordinary people. In so doing, it offers a new perspective on the history of Irish Catholicism, focused less on the top-down exploits of bishops, priests, and nuns, and more on the bottom-up contributions of everyday Catholics. Sarah Roddy also demonstrates the extent to which the creation of the modern Irish Catholic Church was a transnational process, in which the diaspora, especially in the United States, played a vital role
This Element defends and clarifies the thesis that the legality of a system of rules depends on its moral features. Positivists who deny this dependence struggle to explain: (1) the traditional classification of moral norms as a form of a priori law; (2) judicial reliance on moral norms in legal discovery; (3) persistent theoretical disagreement about intra-systemic, law-determining facts; (4) why radically arbitrary or immoral schemes of social organization represent borderline cases of law; and (5) why law, like other artifacts, can be evaluated in a kind-relative sense (“as law”). Meanwhile, traditional versions of non-positivism overstate the dependence going further than the desiderata warrant. A moderate theory is formulated: law is an artifact whose existence depends on adequately performing an essentially normative function. The theory's justification lies in its explanatory power: a comparison with other “value-driven” artifacts, such as artworks, proves vital for understanding legal language, reasoning, and practice.
The Introduction gives an overview of the book’s most important findings and contributions. Since international relations are anarchical and international legal norms are incomplete or in tension with other norms, there is potential for contestation whenever a general norm is applied to specific situations. The reactions of others to proposed norm interpretations can alter norms and their strength. The second section describes the book’s rhetorical approach, and the third section summarizes the main theoretical contributions. First, the "alternate endings" typology shows that it matters whether dispute parties (dis)agree on the norm frame or behavioral claim. Frame agreement is an internal source of stability. Moreover, the typology can guide assessment of how contestation affects norm strength. Second, I describe the focus on audience reactions, argumentation, and speakers (including delegation to agents) when analyzing extrinsic influences on the persistence of norm interpretations, and thus of alternate endings. The fourth section discusses the main contributions to the existing literature on norm strength, the dual quality of norms, legal argumentation and interpretive communities, and delegation to courts and other relevant agents. The Introduction then discusses the research design and methodology, before concluding with an overview of the remaining chapters.
The consensus around the historicity of the United Monarchy is long gone, as already noted in the previous chapter’s conclusion. This chapter first expands on the old consensus, describing its decline and even “death” as it unfolded in the 1990s. It then describes the concomitant rise and development of the minimalist school, which, while failing to make many converts, had a major impact on scholarship. The chapter then looks at changes in the way the archaeology of the period is perceived by many biblical scholars, many of whom have become skeptical or even dismissive of the possibility of a large Israelite polity in the tenth century, and the word “empire” has all but disappeared from the discourse. The chapter pushes back against this excess of caution, examining how the supposed archaeological and historical reasons for it have not stood the test of time. Indeed, discoveries made over the past twenty years or so challenge this new skepticism and instead reinforce a more sophisticated version of the older views, which worked with the idea of a United Monarchy in this period.
The relationship between sacrifice and violence took a spectacular turn with the advent of the People's War, which lasted from 1996 to 2006. The struggle was led by the Maoist party of Nepal, at the heart of which developed a true mystique around the concept of violence. Blood sacrifice, bali dān, became the iconic symbol of the revolution. From the very start, it expressed both individual commitment and the movement as a whole. It differs in this respect from sacralisation of violence after the fact which can be found in other contexts, such as the use of the term ‘holocaust’ to designate the Nazis’ Final Solution, or the titles of martyr conferred after the end of hostilities in communist China. With the outbreak of the People's War in Nepal, violence was considered sacred from the very beginning, and commitment became the expression of its most venerable form, that of sacrifice. This attribution of holy meaning to violence happened as the war was being fought and then, just as quickly as it appeared, faded away with the ending of the war. The People's War was declared on 13 February 1996 by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), at that time still only a small group, and ended a decade later, on 21 November 2006 with the signing of a peace agreement, in the manner of the great wars of yesteryear. By starting and ending so decisively, the People's War parenthetically takes on the form of sacrifice as defined by Hubert and Mauss, with its formalised ‘entrance’ and ‘exit’. Much like sacrifice, this war was detached from ordinary time and its inherent violence modified the experience of its duration. The staccato rhythm of attacks removed any comforting structure from daily life. This kind of suspense and uncertainty, which imbue the animal sacrifice with its proper meaning at the moment of the consecration, become generalised in the People's War. In one fell swoop, terror spread across the entire territory, in a sort of sacrificial invasion, from the more targeted dread of blood sacrifice.
The idea that war is a vast sacrifice is nothing new in the Hindu world, but it is not merely a rhetorical equivalence.
Religious worship is an embodied act, consisting not of words alone, but of words and gestures. But what did early modern English Protestants think they were doing when they went through the motions of worship? In Protestant Bodies, Arnold Hunt argues that the English Reformation was a gestural reformation that redefined the postures and motions of the body. Drawing on a rich array of primary sources, he shows how gestures inherited from the medieval liturgy took on new meanings within a drastically altered ritual landscape, and became central to the enforcement of religious uniformity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Protestant Bodies presents a challenging new interpretation of the English Reformation as a series of experiments in shaping and remaking the body, both individual and collective, with consequences that still persist today.
From 1580 to 1700, low-ranking Spanish imperial officials ceaselessly moved across the Spanish empire, and in the process forged a single coherent political unit out of multiple heterogeneous territories, creating the earliest global empire. Global Servants of the Spanish King follows officials as they itinerated between the Americas, Asia, Europe, and Africa, revealing how their myriad experiences of service to the king across a variety of locales impacted the governance of the empire, and was an essential mechanism of imperial stability and integration. Departing from traditional studies which focus on high-ranking officials and are bounded by the nation-state, Adolfo Polo y La Borda centers on officials with local political and administrative duties such as governors and magistrates, who interacted daily with the crown's subjects across the whole empire, and in the process uncovers a version of cosmopolitanism concealed in conventional narratives.
This chapter provides useful guidelines for the immunophenotypic identification of both indolent and aggressive B-cell lymphomas. An integrated diagnostics is necessary to provide the final classification, but flow cytometry allows for a quick orientation about the lymphoma subtype and may help in speeding targeted further assays and therapeutic decisions.