This chapter describes the immediate aftermath of the Vietnamese invasion. Apart from the ongoing war in Cambodia, the immediate, violent response to the Vietnamese invasion was the February 1979 Sino-Vietnamese war.

The chapter examines the relationship between the size and diversity of the expellee population and entrepreneurship and occupational change in West Germany. Using statistical data at the municipal and county levels, it documents a reversal of fortune: although expellee presence presented economic challenges in the immediate postwar period, in the long run, it increased entrepreneurship rates, education, and household incomes. The more regionally diverse the expellee population, the better the long-run economic performance in receiving communities.

Chapter 2 develops our theoretical argument of how an “anger rule” has been applied to Black Americans. Throughout American history, we make clear that Black political anger has been depicted as menacing. Special rules, laws, and devices have been instituted to keep what American society considers a dangerous form of emotional expression from being unleashed. Society has neutralized this anger by applying an angry feeling rule to Black Americans. If they break this rule by voicing anger, they will be penalized. This punishment takes different forms throughout American history, such as the brutality inflicted upon enslaved Black Americans, the lynching of Black Americans, the mass incarceration of Black men and women, and denying federal assistance to Black families. In this chapter, we focus on another penalty – electoral defeat. We theorize that whites invested in this anger rule will punish Black politicians for expressing anger. We also contend that Black Americans navigate this anger rule by strategically rallying behind Black politicians who constrain their anger in political spaces dominated by whites. However, in Black spaces, we argue that this anger has a home among Black Americans.

Despite Barth’s opposition to metaphysics, John’s Gospel explicitly begins with the metaphysical statement that ‘the Word became flesh’, which is a foundation for Barth’s theology.

The interpretations of revealed truth have developed as new scientific and moral insights have arisen.

Barth has not given up juridical (penal substitutionary) models of atonement, yet states a very different participative model.

Barth’s short history of Protestantism as a decay into liberal ‘heresy’ can be counteracted by a recognition of a positive growth of human values, scientific knowledge, and critical history In modern theology.

This chapter sets the scene for the remainder of the volume. It establishes the conceptual foundations of English language teaching as a profession and highlights its complexity. Professional teaching needs to be regarded as a multidimensional process that combines issues pertinent to the classroom context and teaching–learning with institutional and general pedagogical factors. The process of becoming a professional teacher therefore implies an ongoing commitment to educational change and growth. By adopting a broader perspective, practitioners will be able to teach in a manner that is beneficial to students and society alike. This chapter also elucidates the fact that professional language teaching entails the use of culturally and socially embedded communication and an ability to connect pedagogy with language learning. To address these issues successfully, teachers need to engage in ongoing processes of reflection and theorisation of their practice. To conclude the chapter, a synopsis of all the chapters in this book is provided, highlighting the key themes that emerge from each.

Humankind has entered the Anthropecene era. The world faces numerous threats to the survival of humanity and other species. While diverse disciplines have risen to meet global challenges, psychology has largely focused on individual aspects such as cognition, emotion, and behavior. This chapter aims to support psychology in adapting to global challenges by introducing a novel tool, the panological model. This model comprehensively accounts for the complex relationships between multiple levels of analysis. The first part of the chapter introduces the core characteristics and innovations of the panological model, which seeks to expand upon Uri Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological model. These advancements include: a paradigm shift from anthropocentrism to ecocentrism, a new systemic vision, and a redefiniton of the role of time. The second part of the chapter combines the model with the principles of global fairness, wellness, and worthiness. This integration shows how psychology can gain a deeper understanding of macro-level phenomena, enabling it to address pressing global challenges like international conflicts, pandemics, and environmental sustainability.

This chapter aims to provide an overview of the most recent studies aimed at unravelling the reason why some populations living in areas known as blue zones (BZ) exhibit much longer survival at old ages than others, such as the people of Okinawa (Japan), Sardinia (Italy), Nicoya (Costa Rica) and Ikaria (Greece). After presenting some historical details on the identification of these long-lived populations, it will discuss hypotheses and findings concerning the potential biological determinants (genetics, epigenetics and hormones) of these exceptional longevities, as well as the environmental context (lifestyle and nutrition) and social-cultural factors (such as socialization through family ties and solidarity).

Chapter 5 offers a probing survey of late reflections on nationhood in the context of the German Empire, focusing on Engelbert of Admont, Dante Alighieri, and Marsiglio of Padua. By 1300, radical changes to the political landscape – especially the curtailing of imperial power and the rise of independent territorial kingdoms – prompted medieval thinkers to rethink and refine the principles of political order, resulting in two broad currents of thought: renewed imperialism and defenses of territorial monarchy. Medieval proponents of empire, despite their different argumentative approaches and strategies, treat a number of similar problems: the source of imperial authority, the end and purpose of world government, and the legitimacy of the empire’s claim to universal rule, that is, over all nations of the world. While Engelbert and Dante aim to reconcile national pluralism and political unity through some variant of legal pluralism, Marsiglio suggests that the various national communities that are part of the empire have to consent to imperial rule, offering explicit normative criteria for multinational politics.

This chapter analyzes the interconnections between energy policy and security and defense policies in the UK, zooming in on Scotland. It explains the energy and security regimes and analyzes policy interplay. The links between hydrocarbon energy, energy transition, and security are complex, with relatively fragmented governance in place. While some instances of policy integration were found, broader policy coherence regarding security and the zero-carbon energy transition was lacking. Before 2022, coordination efforts were focused on external, global energy questions instead of domestic energy. Domestic energy security was driven by market-based values. Post-2022, security and energy transition links pertaining to domestic energy production and use became more important in political and policy agendas. Scotland has had a differing worldview on security in relation to energy transition than the rest of the UK, with more focus on the environmental and health security effects of energy policy choices and just transitions, evident, for instance, in its opposition to nuclear power.

The move from theory to empirics requires figuring out how to collect evidence that could support or disconfirm hypotheses derived from your theory. Empirically studying the network in your theory requires two steps: determining which nodes to include in your data and operationalizing the link type. This chapter helps a reader select the boundary that contains the nodes of interest, pointing out some subtle downsides to random sampling in network studies. It also helps readers determine whether they want to measure full networks or ego ones and offers pointers on operationalizing link types.

Introduction

One of the core normative aims of the Indian Constitution is the creation of an active citizenry. An Indian citizen is duty-bound to respect the constitutional principles, follow the ideals that guided the Indian independence movement, protect the sovereignty and unity of the country, defend the country, promote harmony and brotherhood, preserve the nation's heritage and culture, protect and improve the natural environment, develop scientific temper and inquisitiveness, safeguard public property, provide opportunities for their children's education and strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activities. It is by imagining Indian citizens as agents of historical continuation and progressive change through their individual and collective activities that the slave mentality of the Indian subjects under the British rule could be overcome. While it is true that the Constitution aimed to create independent political agents capable of self-determination, the ideal of enterprising citizens, or worker-citizens, is also required to overcome the slave mentality and simultaneously pursue a nation-building agenda. In fact, the Constitution's three major trajectories – that of securing political freedoms, planning economic development and undertaking social reform – all take the idea of worker-citizens as the core of their agenda. Although different dimensions of Indian citizenship may be contested, the secular Indian identity is so intimately connected to the idea of the worker-citizen that it is around this ideal that the Constitution develops its social justice narrative. Yet this aspect of the Constitution has rarely received a sustained analysis from constitutional law scholars, including by those offering a tour d’horizon of the Constitution.

Since the Constitution signifies a break from the past, Indian citizens are conceived as agents of change. Work, or labour, is the primary process through which this agency finds – ought to find – a concrete personal expression in accordance with the Constitutional plan. The de facto reach of the concept of work, and consequently of the worker identity, is much more pervasive than that of the fundamental duty-bearing political citizen. Work is a fundamental condition of life for the overwhelming majority of Indian citizens. If we take into account an expansive definition of work as also including unpaid and care work, the magnitude of the worker identity becomes staggering.

This chapter presents a novel electoral strategy by which landowners have successfully influenced policymaking in democratic Brazil: a multiparty congressional caucus known as the Bancada Ruralista. It shows how agrarian elites finance the campaigns, encourage other producers to support, and subsidize the work of like-minded legislators independently of their partisan affiliation, as well as how legislators of agrarian origin collaborate across partisan lines. The chapter argues that Brazil’s Agrarian Caucus is the product of agrarian elites’ collective efforts to build a channel of electoral representation to protect their interests under democracy in a context of high political fragmentation. The threat of radical land reform during the democratic transition prompted landowners to engage in electoral politics. However, high political fragmentation among the agrarian elite rendered party-building unfeasible. The chapter discusses the advantages of an electoral, candidate-centered, multipartisan strategy over other strategies available to economic elites in democracies such as lobbying or party-building, and illustrates these advantages through the analysis of the Forest Code reform of 2012.

Lucian’s position as a commentator on religion has been debated intensely since late antiquity: for most of the last two millennia, it has been the main focus for commentators. This is primarily due to Lucian teasing Christians in a couple of places (although in fact they get off relatively lightly); but he is also, and indeed much more insistently, scathing about aspects of Greco-Roman ‘paganism’. This chapter begin by unpicking some of this reception history, and showing how modern scholarly perspectives remain locked into nineteenth-century cultural-historical narratives (which were designed to play ‘Hellenism’ off against ‘Christianity’, in various forms). It then argues that we should set aside the construct of Lucian’s status as a religious ‘outsider’— a legacy of nineteenth-century thinking — and consider Lucian instead as an agent operating within the field of Greek religion, and contributing richly (albeit satirically) to ongoing, vital questions over humans’ relationship with the divine. He should be ranged, that is to say, alongside figures like Aristides, Pausanias, and Apuleius as keen observers of the religious culture of the time.