Anthropocentrism was born with Man, and certain primitive tribes or ethnic groups considered themselves the center of the world. Their members assumed the generic name “the Men,” and all the rest, including other, tribes or ethnic groups, were part of a more or less hostile environment (to use the modern term).

The coarse (2-0.2 μm) and fine (<0.2 μm) size fractions of several soil and reference kaolinite samples were completely intercalated and expanded to 11.2 Å using a simplified CsCl-hydrazine-di-methylsulfoxide (DMSO) treatment. Rapid equilibration of the clay in hot (80°C) hydrazine monohydrate and hot (100°C) DMSO, and the use of ceramic tile mounts, limited the sample pretreatment time to only 15 min. The fine size fraction of kaolinite may be X-rayed immediately after pretreatment, though analysis of the sample 2 or 12 hr after pretreatment produced more intense, sharp basal reflections. This difference may be due to a better ordering of the DMSO-kaolinite complex with time and to a drying of the excess DMSO. The coarse size fraction of kaolinite did not entirely expand to 11.2 Å when analyzed immediately after pretreatment. A 9.6-Å peak was also present and possibly represents a mixed layering of expanded and nonexpanded kaolinite layers. The larger crystals seem to require additional time for the reaction to become complete as evidenced by the presence of an intense, sharp 11.2-Å peak and absence of the 9.6-Å peak when the coarse clay was analyzed 2 or 12 hr after sample pretreatment. Kaolinite particles <50 μm did not react completely even when they were analyzed 24 hr after pretreatment. Therefore, this technique should be limited to <2-μm particles.

Expectiles have received increasing attention as a risk measure in risk management because of their coherency and elicitability at the level $\alpha\geq1/2$. With a view to practical risk assessments, this paper delves into the worst-case expectile, where only partial information on the underlying distribution is available and there is no closed-form representation. We explore the asymptotic behavior of the worst-case expectile on two specified ambiguity sets: one is through the Wasserstein distance from a reference distribution and transforms this problem into a convex optimization problem via the well-known Kusuoka representation, and the other is induced by higher moment constraints. We obtain precise results in some special cases; nevertheless, there are no unified closed-form solutions. We aim to fully characterize the extreme behaviors; that is, we pursue an approximate solution as the level $\alpha $ tends to 1, which is aesthetically pleasing. As an application of our technique, we investigate the ambiguity set induced by higher moment conditions. Finally, we compare our worst-case expectile approach with a more conservative method based on stochastic order, which is referred to as ‘model aggregation’.

This article asks why the Occitan language revitalization movement, which began in the 1850s, failed to convince the vast majority of Occitan speakers. Traditional explanations focus on social conflict, alienation, and diglossic ideologies. While essential elements, they may not provide a full account. Challenging the idea that patois is just a derogatory term pinned on what is in fact a language, this article proposes to take seriously the claim by traditional speakers that a patois is not a language. Drawing on fieldwork in Provence and historical data, I propose that the divergence is fundamentally ontological, revealing sharp differences that suggest that patois and language are indeed two separate things. The language movement's reduction of the patois/language issue to one of labels helps explain why traditional speakers and language advocates have been talking past each other for 150 years, raising practical questions for language movements worldwide. (Patois, occitan, ontologies of language, language revitalization, linguistic natures)*

Is individual support for internationally agreed military humanitarian interventions (MHIs) subject to a religious bias? Conducting a vignette-based survey experiment, the paper provides micro-level evidence for such a bias within a highly unlikely sample: German university students. Participants in our survey experiment were more compassionate and indeed more supportive of an MHI when the victims of war-related violence were Christians rather than Muslims. The paper thus contributes to the literature on support for MHIs in two important ways: first, whereas the existing literature has a strong focus on the United States, this paper studies individuals’ support in another Western country that regularly contributes to MHIs, namely Germany. Second, while the existing literature has mainly examined how other social factors, such as the race or gender of the victims, affect individuals’ support for MHIs, drawing on social identity theory, this paper claims that religious identification also has an impact. Moreover, by showing that the religion of the victims of war-related violence shapes individuals’ attitudes towards MHIs through compassion, the paper also speaks to more recent literature that demonstrates that individuals’ attitudes towards refugees depend on – among other things – their religion. Against the background of a general rise of identitarian politics in many Western societies, our findings seem to be of particular relevance.

My office is in a medical building in suburban Washington, D.C. —in Bethesda, named for the Biblical healing pool. All of the offices of my building are occupied by medical specialists, representing the most sophisticated training in the application of the scientific method. Downstairs and of service to all of us is a pharmacy, looking for all the world like a research laboratory with its gleaming surface, meticulous cleanliness, micro-balances, records, reference books, and cash register. It is neatly stocked with modern, physiologically-defined preparations of active, predictable drugs. Among the enzymes, hormones, antibiotics, and chemo therapeutics for neoplasm, are a few newly hatched, unfledged remedies, but most are dependable and thoroughly assayed. The intently busy, white-coated, unsentimental pharmacists serve a hard-headed group of practitioners and a neighborhood of upper-class, well-educated patients. It is disconcerting, then, to see the undersurface of this sophistication, the irrational shadows beneath the science. On the front counter of the pharmacy are displayed attractive colored advertisements and pleasantly seductive inducements to self-improvement through diet cults and foods, tranquilizers, energizers, protein supplements, happiness promisers, preparations to enhance sexuality, vitamins artfully combined, and many packeted stuffs of no rational or pretended use whatsoever. “Why,” I ask the gimlet-eyed pharmacist, “do you have this large display of ‘Il Wah Genuine Chinese Ginseng, the Miraculous Herb of Life’? Doesn't it violate your university training? Your integrity as a modernist?” “Oh,” says he, “ginseng makes you feel better! You have more energy. You can do more! Lots of athletes use it, and people who work too hard and feel exhausted. It's only $3.45 a package. The prescriptions you give me once in a while yield no profit, but I sell a lot of ginseng. I use it myself!” Bemused, I walk back to my office, wondering about the easy abandonment of rationality, and pull down a box of medicinals collected the year before at an open-air pharmacy in the riverside markets of Brazil. The box gives forth deliciously rich forest smells. The packets within contain barks, roots, seeds, all of purported medical value. Other packets have amulets, charms, and protectives. The colorful labels on some of the patent medicines invoke ancient saints and healers, and promise happiness, health, prosperity and power. The essential rationale for their use in indigenous medicine was illusive to me despite many conversations with indigenous healers, and many times I have gone through the hundreds of items trying to find the key to what Brazilian and North American people fundamentally want from a pharmacy. In both cultures, where does magic stop and science begin? Do shops in both countries vend talismans in the search for the enhanced life, and fetishes against death? How much of all drug use is ritual and inchoate expectation ? How can we reduce the mystification and incrementally increase the rationality of our pharmacopeia?

One of the major problems (or sometimes pseudo-problems) that archaeologists and historians encounter in the study of ancient cultures is the need to differentiate and to identify the sources of the various concepts, techniques, institutions, forms, designs, motifs, etc., that, at any given moment of time, form the constituent elements of the culture or cultural product to which they have turned their attention; or—to pose the question in its proper framework—to analyse the process of cultural formation inherent in the subject of their study. Such considerations have a special significance for archaeologists, whose essential concern is with the often incomplete assemblages of material remains left behind by the cultures and civilizations of the past, and whose central task is to enumerate and reconstitute the structures and processes that were operative in the societies in question. The study of acculturation—culture change, cultural diffusion, “stimulus diffusion,” culture contact, etc.—has been part of the theoretical and empirical concerns of anthropologists and sociologists since some decades ago, and the subject of an old and now almost abandoned debate. While the terminology of the social sciences concerned with living societies can also be found in archaeological and historical discussion, such concerns have had inadequate application in the fields of archaeological and historical practice. What has dominated and, to a great extent, continues to dominate historical studies is what we might call “the ‘theory’ of influence” and its corollary, “the migration hypothesis.” Thus, it would not be an exaggeration to say that one of the leading aspects of the study of a past society or culture is the concern with the “parent” culture(s) which influenced it, or the search for the location of its “migratory origins.” While this is especially true of studies relating to the societies of the Third World, it is not exclusively so—as we see, for instance, in the case of European prehistory. The immediate epistemological sources of such approaches are not difficult to identify, being principally located in 19th century diffusionism and, as we shall see shortly, in colonial ideology.

Volcanic and non-volcanic partings are exposed in coal beds of the Tertiary Beluga and Sterling Formations along the shores of the Kenai lowland, Alaska. About two-thirds of the partings originated as air-fall tephra which fell in coal-forming swamps. The tephra partings in the Pliocene strata are unaltered or slightly altered and have a characteristic mineral assemblage of volcanic glass ± montmoriUonite ± kaolinite ± opal-CT. Miocene strata are slightly altered to totally altered, and a typical mineral assemblage consists of feldspar ± kaolinite ± montmorillonite ± quartz ± crandallite ± altered volcanic glass. Crandallite appears to have formed early in diagenesis by the replacement of volcanic glass prior to the formation of montmorillonite and kaolinite.

About one-third of the partings originated primarily as detrital sediments derived from surrounding metamorphic and sedimentary terranes and were deposited by periodic floods. Mixtures of tephra and detrital sediments were also noted and were difficult to distinguish from tephra partings in the field. Detrital partings are characterized by detrital chlorite + illite + smectite + quartz ± feldspar ± siderite ± kaolinite. The chlorite in these strata is allogenic. Smectite is less common in the detrital partings.

At the end of the 17th century, 80 per cent of the French were illiterate. A hundred years later, despite a certain amount of progress in reading and writing above all in already favoured regions, their number still represents 63 per cent of the population. Throughout Europe from the 16th to the 18th century, the proportion is never lower than this.

A comparison of African grammars written in French, and bilingual Franco-African or Franco-Caribbean dictionaries, allows us to discern a common myth concerning “family” ties between French and African Languages.

Missionaries consider two means of conversion: by the introduction of the God-Word to his children, which predetermines the foreign society to be encountered; the other demands an ethno- graphic study (to discover the meaning of language) in oral societies (African, Caribbean) to whom an alphabetical language is superimposed (with Latin characters). This effort of transcription presupposes the harmonious compatibility of all oral languages with French. Thus the missionaries breathe the Word and transcendence into the colonies in order to recover in “Word incarnate”, instrument and symbol for the conversion process. (The theologian would speak here of the “verticality of transcendence”.) But the missionary enterprise meets with the resistances of written language and of foreign societies endowed with complex structures and syntaxes. Thus, the so-called “verticality” crumbles along with missionary hopes, resulting in a trite approximate translation which could be characterized as “horizontal”.

Regularly interstratified chlorite/smectite (corrensite) occurs as grain coatings in marine and eolian sandstones of the Permian Cutler Formation in Lisbon Valley, Utah. Corrensite dominates the <2-μm clay size fraction along with lesser amounts of regularly interstratified illite/smectite in bleached, permeable sandstones that are interbedded with smectite-dominated arkosic, red, laterally discontinuous fluvial sandstones. Chemical and X-ray powder diffraction analyses of the corrensites show them to be di/dioctahedral with 060 spacings of 1.501 to 1.508 Å and to contain significantly higher Al:Mg ratios than more common trioctahedral types. Calculated structural formulae are: corrensite, M0.6(Fe3+0.2Mg1.6Al4.6)(Al0.2Si7.8)O20(OH)10; illite/smectite, M1.5(Fe3+0.1Mg1.7Al2.8)(Al1.6Si6.4)O20(OH)4; and smectite, M0.9(Fe3+0.3Mg1.2Al2.8)(Al0.6Si7.4)O20(OH)4.

Chemical similarity between the smectite and the corrensite and pervasive distribution of smectite in low-permeability shales and siltstones suggest that the smectite was a precursor of the corrensite. Three stages of mineral precipitation in the Cutler Formation have been recognized. Quartz precipitated early as grain overgrowths, followed by the formation of authigenic clay minerals, and later calcite cementation which destroyed much of the original rock fabric. Calculations show that aluminous corrensite was favored by elevated temperature (∼ 100°C), low pH, and low dissolved silica. Local hydrothermal fluids rising along the Lisbon fault apparently permeated the Cutler red bed section and precipitated the clay minerals. The assemblage corrensite + illite/smectite in the sandstones probably formed by interaction of formation fluids with smectite and an Al-bearing phase, such as K-feldspar or kaolinite.

A gap exists between the philosophers of history and the practitioners. Both groups proudly encourage their splendid isolation from the other. The philosophers tend to consider the practitioners incompetent to philosophize about historical study; the practitioners tend to think that the philosophers engage only in “flimflam.” Insofar as one can judge from the practitioners’ attempts to formulate theories of historical study and the philosophers’ attempts to explain historical practice, each group is right about the other. As a result, the practitioners of history rarely ponder theoretical issues because they tend to feel that there are more worthwhile pursuits, such as studying the past. The philosophers rarely examine how historical study is actually done because they tend to feel that the practice is not important for their exquisitely designed theoretical models.

The New Towns Movement began in England and later spread world-wide in response to the increasing concern felt at the deterioration of the quality of life in the large cities under the impact of industrialization. The New Towns, it was felt, would combine the advantages of life in the country with that of life in the city. They would be small communities of between 30.000 and 60.000 inhabitants. Their principal characteristics were to be a balanced economy and a well-defined pattern of industrial, commercial and residential zones.

For thousands of years communication has functioned principally by means of linguistic and iconic messages. In the first case linguistic symbols serve as intermediaries; in the second, images or, more broadly, representations. In order to be transmitted, linguistic and/or iconic symbols need to be re-produced, re-presented, vocally, through writing, painting, sculpture or any other means of re-production. But re-production requires a space that, through use of an appropriate material, serves as its medium; forms to occupy it; rules to control it, and a certain stability. In other words representation is impossible without a certain fixity of the message that alone can ensure its duration, whether short or long being unimportant, but which it needs precisely in order to function as a message.