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A vast amount of empirical and theoretical research on public good games indicates that the threat of punishment can curb free-riding in human groups engaged in joint enterprises. Since punishment is often costly, however, this raises an issue of second-order free-riding: indeed, the sanctioning system itself is a common good which can be exploited. Most investigations, so far, considered peer punishment: players could impose fines on those who exploited them, at a cost to themselves. Only a minority considered so-called pool punishment. In this scenario, players contribute to a punishment pool before engaging in the joint enterprise, and without knowing who the free-riders will be. Theoretical investigations (Sigmund et al., Nature 466:861–863, 2010) have shown that peer punishment is more efficient, but pool punishment more stable. Social learning, i.e., the preferential imitation of successful strategies, should lead to pool punishment if sanctions are also imposed on second-order free-riders, but to peer punishment if they are not. Here we describe an economic experiment (the Mutual Aid game) which tests this prediction. We find that pool punishment only emerges if second-order free riders are punished, but that peer punishment is more stable than expected. Basically, our experiment shows that social learning can lead to a spontaneously emerging social contract, based on a sanctioning institution to overcome the free rider problem.
The Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) occupies an integral position in the memory politics of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In recent years, dominant representations of the war create a memory discourse which portrays the heroic triumph of the Chinese people led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over Japan. This article shows how the war has been remembered from the victory of the Communist revolution in 1949 to the present in the PRC. It contributes to the debate on the effectiveness and limitations of the monopoly of war memory by the CCP.
We present experimental evidence for decision settings where public good providers compete for endogenous rewards which are donations (transfers) offered by outside donors. Donors receive benefits from public good provision but cannot provide the good themselves. The performance of three competition mechanisms is examined in relation to the level of public good provision and transfers offered by donors. In addition to a contest where transfers received by public good providers are proportional to effort, we study two contests with exclusion from transfers, namely a winner-takes-all and a loser-gets-nothing. We compare behavior in these three decision settings to the default setting of no-contest (no-transfers). Results for this novel decision environment with endogenous transfers show that donors offer transfers (contest prizes) at similar levels across contests and contributions to the public good are not significantly different in the three contests settings, but are consistently and significantly higher in all contests compared to the setting with no-transfers. Initially, the winner-takes-all setting leads to a significantly higher increase in public good contributions compared to the other two contests; but this difference diminishes across decision rounds.
The digital revolution has transformed the dissemination of messages and the construction of public debate. This article examines the disintermediation and fragmentation of the public sphere by digital platforms. Disinformation campaigns, that aim at assuming the power of determining a truth alternative to reality, highlight the need to enhance the traditional view of freedom of expression as negative freedom with an institutional perspective. The paper argues that freedom of expression should be seen as an institution of freedom, an organizational space leading to a normative theory of public discourse. This theory legitimizes democratic systems and requires proactive regulation to enforce its values.
Viewing freedom of expression as an institution changes the role of public power: this should not be limited to abstention but instead has a positive obligation to regulate the spaces where communicative interactions occur. The article discusses how this regulatory need led to the European adoption of the Digital Services Act (DSA) to correct DPs through procedural constraints. Despite some criticisms, the DSA establishes a foundation for a transnational European public discourse aligned with the Charter of Fundamental Rights and member states’ constitutional traditions.
This article advances research at the intersection of macro talent management (TM) and the career capital of expatriates. It does so by reporting the findings of a qualitative study of self-initiated expatriates’ strategies of engaging the practices of a city-level TM institution to facilitate career capital formation. Strategies of engaging city-level practices of TM have diverse, at times paradoxical implications. Self-initiated expatriates employ strategies of engaging institutional practices to (1) support global career mobility without considerable adjustment, (2) develop local networks and careers in the host country, and (3) even actively escaping an expanding sphere of international institutions. The article explains how dynamics of career capital formation occur as (un)anticipated consequences of being exposed to institutional logics of adopted TM practices. Corporate and market-oriented logics of TM realized in an international city institution ambiguously combined with community logics, for some self-initiated expatriates resembling those of traditional expatriate institutions.
Islamic finance must follow rules developed by Islamic experts in the context of this global market. This chapter provides a description of the use of islamic finance for infrastructure projects.
Edited by
Selim Raihan, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh,François Bourguignon, École d'économie de Paris and École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris,Umar Salam, Oxford Policy Management
This chapter identifies areas where in-depth research can find out institutional challenges that are most critical to Bangladeshs economic development. Two approaches are employed. The first approach uses a variety of institutional measures available in international databases to examine how a country, in this case, Bangladesh, differs from a set of comparators. It is largely based on these indicators that the idea of a Bangladesh paradox was formed: Bangladesh appears as a country with impressive economic growth performance but weak institutional performance. However, there can be some doubt about the reliability of institutional indicators in global rankings. Therefore, the second approach is undertaken where a questionnaire survey of various types of decision-makers and academics is used. The survey respondents identify several institutional weaknesses which include ubiquitous corruption (electoral, business, and recruitment to the civil service); executive control over legal bodies, the media, the judiciary, and the banking sector; inadequate coverage of public services; the number and intensity of land conflicts; and gender discrimination.
The institutional logics perspective provides a powerful theory that emphasizes how symbolic beliefs and material practices are intertwined in relatively enduring configurations that can profoundly shape behavior across space and time. In this article, we build upon the arguments and insights of Haveman, Joseph-Goteiner, and Li, suggesting the need for a broader research agenda on the dynamics of institutional logics in China and around the world. Building on some of our recent writings, we argue for the need to go beyond the study of how logics have effects, to understand how logics themselves cohere, endure, and co-evolve in dynamic interrelationships with other logics.
This chapter outlines the epoch of urban planning evolution in Nigeria. It highlights and describes the nature of urban planning, the roles of planners, urban planning challenges, and prospects of urban planning in Nigeria. Urban planning in Nigeria evolved before colonialism. As the country transited from the colonial era to Independence, urban planning also went through significant transformation. It became an essential tool to facilitate orderly spatial arrangement of the various land uses with emphasis on promoting functional relationships among the various land uses so as to ensure harmony in the development of the built environment. This is considered a common good due to its importance for economic and socio-cultural development. The method of investigation is essentially an analysis of secondary data obtained from published journal articles and reports. Over the past years, urban planning has evolved as a discipline and an institutionalised profession. It has witnessed the enactment of many planning laws. However, the contention in this chapter is that, even with the presence of well-formulated urban planning, its future is far from bright. Urban planning in Nigeria lacks commitment from the government.
The Introduction outlines the historical, social, and cultural background of business in China since the economic reforms commencing in the late-1970s. The empirical material regarding entrepreneurs and business in present-day China deployed in this book is described, and an account of the research methods employed in acquiring it is outlined and discussed. In addition, the Introduction provides a detailed summary of the six chapters that constitute this book, including a preliminary discussion of the issues treated throughout. By presenting select examples of fieldwork findings, discussed in the context of a broader background indicated in official and related sources of data, as well as findings and theories presented in the published literature, the Introduction details the range of substantive issues that are treated in and which are the focus of each of the six chapters to follow.
The Conclusion highlights how an examination of entrepreneurs in contemporary China, including a careful and empirically grounded account of business and social relations in China, challenges many conventional approaches to research and research findings regarding such core concepts as trust, social networks, crisis, gender, family business, and e-commerce, and shows how standard conventions that are widely accepted in the scholarly and research literatures are in need of revision. It is shown how this book provides a clarification and extension of the conceptualization of a number of core theoretical notions by drawing on the details of the many cases that are explored in the six chapters of this monograph. It is shown how the research findings reported in this book will serve the purpose of stimulating and encouraging further research on erstwhile neglected aspects of business relations as well as the development of new theoretical frameworks for understanding social exchange dynamics in business, not only in China but more generally.
Cet article est consacré à l'analyse d'un recueil d'articles publié par Gilles Deleuze en 1953 sous la direction de Georges Canguilhem. Ce recueil, très peu lu et commenté, éclaire cependant la trajectoire intellectuelle de son auteur en soulignant les hésitations théoriques qui furent les siennes. Nous montrons en effet que Deleuze a alors esquissé un projet « psycho-sociologique » ambitieux qu'il n'a cependant jamais totalement actualisé mais qui n'a cessé de travailler son œuvre. Pour ce faire, nous reconstitutions l'ensemble du sous-texte psychologique et éthologique étudié par Deleuze, en tentant de suivre ses sources exactes de première ou de seconde main ; nous mettons ainsi en évidence de réelles prises de position théoriques souvent inaperçues dans son œuvre (vis-à-vis de Henri Bergson, Jakob von Uexküll et la gestaltpsychologie notamment). Nous faisons alors l'hypothèse que ce sont les difficultés liées à la théorie de la perception qui conduisent Deleuze à se détourner de ce projet esquissé dans les années 1950 afin de se consacrer à des problématiques d'ordre plus spécifiquement ontologique. Nous montrons cependant que ces difficultés persistent tout au long des ouvrages deleuziens où les notions de « signe » et de « sémiotique » viennent à la fois recouvrir et éviter les problèmes spécifiquement perceptifs.
As in other sciences, an economic experiment is an artificial situation created by a researcher for the purpose of answering one or more scientific questions. Experiments of various types are used in economics to understand the causes of poverty and how it might be alleviated. The methods can identify causal relationships between variables and thereby isolate factors that can lead to poverty as well as to document the behavioral consequences of poverty. Experiments can also be used to provide test beds for proposed policies to alleviate poverty. This essay describes a variety of ways in which experiments have been employed to understand and combat poverty. A line of laboratory experiments that considers which economic institutions are conducive to economic growth is discussed in detail. The results show that decentralized markets are conducive to allowing an economy to operate as efficiently as it can. However, in an economy with a theoretical “poverty trap,” the market works more efficiently if accompanied by a democratic voting process and freedom of communication.
At the core of this article lies the argument that the Ottoman grand vizierate and the rise of the Köprülü family to power in the seventeenth century should be studied and analyzed mainly within two analytical and comparative frameworks. First, we should situate the office of the grand vizier in a diachronic view of the Islamic vizierate. Second, the Köprülü grand vizierate, in particular, should be viewed as one part of a synchronic ‘Eurasian age of the chief minister,” in a historical domain stretching from early modern Mughal and Safavid worlds to European empires and kingdoms. This article presents preliminary observations that may form a blueprint for future investigations into this global aspect of the grand vizierate and chief ministry. A broad perspective that merges these diachronic and synchronic approaches will allow us to detect theoretical and practical peculiarities of the Ottoman grand vizierate in comparison to its peers in Islamic history and across early modern Eurasia. Using that Eurasian macro perspective, I argue that the Köprülü grand viziers spearheaded the restoration of an independent vizierial authority that was idealized by generations of pre-Ottoman and Ottoman political writers and had numerous precedents in Islamic history.1
This chapter examines whether and to what extent information about the procedures and performances of international organizations affects citizens legitimacy beliefs. It examines this issue comparatively across seven international organizations in different issue areas, including the African Union, European Union, United Nations Security Council, and United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The survey is conducted in four countries in diverse world regions (Germany, the Philippines, South Africa, and the US). The analysis shows that information about both procedures and performances impact legitimacy beliefs. Moreover, citizens update their legitimacy beliefs in line with information about democracy, effectiveness, and fairness in global governance.
This chapter examines how information on the authority and purpose of international organizations influences citizen legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. Advancing on previous research that primarily has studied effects of procedures and performances on citizens legitimacy beliefs, this chapter uses a conjoint experimental design to assess how different institutional qualities matter when simultaneously communicated to citizens. The chapter explores this issue across hypothetical international organizations in two countries (Germany and the US). It finds that citizens form legitimacy beliefs in line with information about authority and purpose in international organizations. However, this relationship depends on citizens’ political priors. Information about an international organization’s authority has a weaker negative effect on legitimacy beliefs among internationalist citizens. Moreover, the effect of information about an international organization’s social purpose depends on citizens’ political values. These conditioning effects are only found in the more polarized context of the US and not in Germany.
Edited by
Bruce Campbell, Clim-Eat, Global Center on Adaptation, University of Copenhagen,Philip Thornton, Clim-Eat, International Livestock Research Institute,Ana Maria Loboguerrero, CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security and Bioversity International,Dhanush Dinesh, Clim-Eat,Andreea Nowak, Bioversity International
Our food systems have performed well in the past, but they are failing us in the face of climate change and other challenges. There is a broad consensus that transformation of food systems is required to make them sustainable and equitable for all. Transformation occurs via agents of change: individual behaviour, policies and institutions, research and innovation, and partnerships and alliances. Outcome-oriented agricultural research for development can help bring about directed transformation that maximises benefits and minimises trade-offs.
This chapter makes a case against a substantive understanding of the material constitution. It first centres on Carl Schmitt’s concrete-order thinking as a glaring example of a theory that attaches priority to the material over the formal and yet fails to explain where matter comes from. Materiality turns out to be a shorthand for the social, while what the social is remains mostly under-developed and eventually takes up communitarian and identitarian connotations. By building on Santi Romano’s and Karl Llewellyn’s theories, the author unearths an alternative notion of the material. The constitution is an institution in the sense of a set of organisational practices as practices, not their sedimented outcomes, such as behavioural standards, normative values or fundamental principles. Unlike substantive conceptions, the processual understanding easily accounts for how collectives make room for change of their substantive contents while preserving their collective character.
Wallace’s interest in the metanarrative systems that guide and govern human behavior persisted throughout his career, from urban geography, pharmacology and language through entertainment, taxation and alienation. One such system is that of citizenship, which arguably grows in significance the later we look in Wallace’s writing, reaching its zenith in The Pale King. This chapter outlines the configuration and operation of citizenship throughout Wallace’s work, situating it against a critical backdrop of studies of American space and citizenship more generally and working in dialogue with the accompanying chapters on ecologies, geographies and politics. A decisively American writer, Wallace’s writing deploys a complex set of images associated with citizenship and civic duty. Examining the shifting, almost hallucinatory qualities of nation space at play in Wallace’s late capitalist cultural imaginary, this chapter argues that Wallace’s image of citizenship emerges from a concept of community – individually and locally constructed by means of engagement with civic systems – rather than nationalist or historicist in nature.
In contrast to the small-scale we of shared action, this chapter analyses the large-scale and temporally prolonged we’s of communities governed by social norms. Drawing on Heidegger’s analysis of the Anyone and of historicity, I distinguish between anonymous social normativity and historical social normativity. Anonymous social normativity provides a set of social norms in the form of a relatively stable, socially inflected comportmental pattern that we assume to be a universal default. However, this kind of social normativity comes with only a minimal awareness of its own nature, extent, and origin. Historical social normativity, on the other hand, implies a historical awareness in which social norms are disclosed as historical and hence as fragile and contestable. For Heidegger, this leads to the proto-political possibility of what I call communal commitments—roughly, commitments in which a group of people commit themselves to sustain a particular set of social norms across generations.