This chapter’s ethnography of the “quality of life” West Bank development/settlement of Alfei Menashe describes the structural realities and security schematic narrative lens through which this Jewish Israeli audience filtered “the conflict” and understood the series. They are viewed from outside by stateless-nation Palestinians as living behind the “Wall Enclave” and by state-minority Arab/Palestinian Israelis as a “settlement” (most Jewish Israelis regard it as a “consensus settlement”). Alfei provides its children the greatest opportunity for contact with Palestinians, which the separation barrier has all but eliminated for Israelis. Neither interpersonal contact with Palestinian day laborers who build and clean their homes and playgrounds, nor imagined contact influenced their readings of the text. From secondary conversations, news media portrayals, and artifacts like the barrier constructed to maintain the secured existence of Israel, they learn Palestinians are those who commit terror. Via a binary logic, anyone allowed into Israel (or Sesame Street) is not Palestinian. Fearing harm, a majority erased Palestinian characters. These processes, not Sesame Street, were overwhelmingly socializing them, leading them to oppose the series’ attempt to communicate peace. They normalized and reproduced “the conflict,” assuming defensive play patterns; for them, the resolution is “evicting, killing or imprisoning” Palestinians.

Chapter 9 depicts the community, socialization and narratives of Arab/Palestinian Israeli children of Uhm Al-Fahm. This large ethnopolitically Arab city in Israel is viewed by Jewish Israelis as the seat of Palestinian nationalism; and by Palestinians as home to ’48 Arabs who did not resist the Zionists but are culturally and politically key to pursuing justice for Palestinians. From the inside, locals see inequity of resources, and police as monitoring and targeting them. Fahmouwee children’s interactions revolved largely around other Arab/Palestinian Israelis. The majority did not position themselves as the victim, unlike the Palestinian and Jewish Israeli children; and defined themselves as a third sub-state identity, “Arab Muslim Fahmouwees.” Despite their awareness of “fighting,” these children also painted a picture of normalcy. Though their everyday conflict zone experiences also encoded them to erase their shared others in Sesame Street, theirs was a relatively more nuanced interpretation, suggesting that Arab/Palestinian Israeli children are uniquely open to the possibility of being moved by the series’ aims. Still, they also normalized and reproduced the violence, reinserting themselves into the status of state minority through their identity negotiations and protest play patterns. For them too, conflict resolution is achieved by “converting Jews to Islam.”

Chapter 5 focuses on the Design phase of the BLL development framework. This phase deals with macro-level structure and process. The design phase has two main purposes: identifying the characteristics of the target learners and the contextual factors surrounding them through a needs analysis. The chapter also establishes realistic course goals, achievable teaching objectives, and measurable learning outcomes at the course level.

This chapter aims to answer two general questions: Is there conflict on certain core issues relating to globalization within societies; and does the context of globalization matter for the strength of this conflict? Results show quite strong aggregate correlations between economic and cultural globalization and support for migration, between political and cultural globalization and support for internationalized governance, and some support for a relationship between problem loads and issue orientations. At the individual level, our results show that educational differences produce strong differences in issue orientations in particular regarding migration and global warming, the higher the level of education, the stronger the support for migration and, to some extent, for border-crossing authority as well, and the higher the sensitivity to environmental problems. Results also show that the contexts of globalization shape the degree how strong differences between social and ideological groups have an impact on issue orientations. Generally, the more globalized a country is, the more polarized opinions are between social and political groups in society.

compares cosmopolitan versus communitarian issue positions by mass publics and elites across our study. We investigate whether there is an attitude gap between elites, who tend to adhere to cosmopolitan positions, and mass publics with more communitarian leanings. Contrasting mass opinion surveys with results from our own elite survey, we show that the mass-elite divide on globalization issues is indeed pervasive and found in all five countries of study. We consider both economic causes in the shape of diverging material interests and cultural ones, the latter pointing towards cultural capital and symbolic boundaries defining transnational cosmopolitan class consciousness. The results align more with the cultural than with the economic explanation. Political elites in the five countries display convergent cosmopolitan positions across issues as varied as international trade, climate change, migration and supranational integration. Mass publics are much more divided on these issues. Also, education alone does not explain the mass-elite gap because the elites are still significantly more cosmopolitan than highly educated members of mass publics, even within the same country.