Many have expressed concerns regarding the replicability of scientific research. However, little of this ongoing discussion has focused on research examining the production of vowels and consonants or the many important choices that researchers must make in pre-analysis phases of speech production research. The literature reviewed here indicates that not all speech production studies have been replicated, and that how speech is elicited may affect the results that are obtained. Many different elicitation techniques are in current use, but none represents a gold standard. The new Characteristic Speech Production (CSP) technique presented here aims to augment replicability by obviating the need for participants to accommodate their speech to that of others or adopt a particular speaking style as they give meaningful answers to meaningful questions. Given the novelty of the CSP technique, the chapter provides a protocol that is designed to test its efficacy. If the CSP technique can be shown to yield speech samples that are more representative of individuals’ speech than a standard list-reading technique, a change in how speech is elicited for production research will be warranted.

The aim of this chapter is to provide the state-of-the-art of the research on the development of suprasegmental phonology in bilingual children from infancy through childhood. First, we discuss word-level prosodic phenomena, with a special focus on the bilingual acquisition of word stress and syllable structure, which has been a lively area of research. We also present recent data on the acquisition of tone, which remains a less investigated topic. Second, we consider the acquisition of phrase-level prosody, namely, rhythm and intonation. For each domain of prosodic development, we briefly review monolingual patterns and discuss how learning two (or more) phonological systems can affect developmental trajectories, showing that there can be different cross-linguistic interactions such as transfer, delay, acceleration, or fusion. We also consider potential influencing factors that can trigger different tracks in the development of prosody, for example age of onset, amount of exposure, language dominance, and simultaneous or sequential language acquisition. The chapter concludes with a discussion of avenues for future research.

Hannibal and Scipio left no autobiographies, except that Hannibal in 205, before leaving Italy for Africa, inscribed a bilingual account of his military resources. Scipio’s contemporary funeral elogium (list of his offices and achievements, a kind of succinct obituary) does not survive (a much later one does). This chapter offers, by way of introduction, semi-fictional replacements for these missing documents and explains what Hannibal’s full inscription is likely to have contained. Other first-person evidence by the two men is quoted and discussed, such as letters reported in the literary sources. The chapter closes by asking what Hannibal and Scipio looked like. Appendix 1.1 lists and evaluates the sources for the book, and there is a sub-section on reliability of speeches. Appendix 1.2 addresses the problem of whether Plutarch’s lost Life of Scipio was about Hannibal’s opponent or Scipio Aemilianus, his younger relative by adoption. Appendix 1.3 is about ‘roving anecdotes’.

More than half the world is bilingual or multilingual. So when growing up exposed to two (or more) languages at once, children have two systems to learn, and they must also learn when to speak each language. The choices here depend on who the addressee is, and on the setting. Exposure to the two languages may be uneven, and also vary over time, depending on who the child spends time with. Choice of language depends on common ground, on the topic, and on the language common to the child’s conversational partners. The early stages of acquisition are very similar, from perception of sounds and sound sequences to early babbling; from comprehension of words to attempts to produce them. Early vocabularies contain many doublets, freely accumulated as children learn more of each language. (This is consistent with contrast, but not with mutual exclusivity.) Language mixing tends to mirror adult usage and so varies across languages. Children attend not only to differences in the sound systems but also to structural differences of all kinds. Conversational skills develop in similar ways across languages, depending on exposure and practice, with language dominance fluctuating over one’s lifetime. Acquiring two dialects involves similar skills.

The author’s Complementarity Principle states that bilinguals usually acquire and use their languages for different purposes, in different domains of life, with different people. Different aspects of life require different languages. The author first evokes the contribution of past research on his thinking about the topic. For instance, early sociolinguistic studies of bilingual communities put heavy emphasis on the functions of languages. He then concentrates on the principle itself as it slowly came into focus in his work. He defines it, presents it in a diagram, and discusses its impact on language proficiency, dominance, and translation abilities in bilinguals. This is followed by a description of studies undertaken in his laboratory that found evidence for it, as well as his search for studies in production, perception, and language acquisition that confirmed its importance. The author then discusses the coming of age of the principle reflected in the reactions of researchers in the field, and the various studies, mostly experimental and descriptive, they have conducted to examine it. The principle is one of the most pervasive aspects of individual bilingualism, and it is invariably present in bilingual psycholinguistic research as an independent, control, or confounding variable.

Bilinguals change their way of communicating when they are with monolinguals and when they are with bilinguals who share their languages. Whereas they avoid using their other language(s) with monolinguals (they are in a monolingual mode), they may call upon it (or them) when interacting with bilinguals, either by changing over completely to the other language(s) or by bringing elements of the other language(s) into the language they are speaking (they are then in a bilingual mode). The author reviews how he developed the notion of language mode, which, at the cognitive level, implies a change of activation of the languages and processing mechanisms. He summarizes some of the basic elements of language mode as described in a 2001 seminal chapter, discusses how language mode has fared since, and presents additional evidence for it. He then proposes some follow-up comments that deal with the level of activation of the deactivated language(s) in a monolingual mode, the complex nature of the variable that is language mode, and how it compares to the adaptive control hypothesis. He ends with reactions to language mode – many positive and some critical.

This chapter has three parts. In the first, the author concentrates on the deaf bilingual and explains what it means to be bilingual in sign language and the spoken (majority) language. Similarities with hearing bilinguals as well as differences are discussed. In the second part, he examines the biculturalism of deaf people: like hearing biculturals, they take part, to varying degrees, in the life of two worlds (the deaf world and the hearing world), they adapt, in part, their attitudes, behaviors, values, languages, and so onto both worlds, and they combine and blend aspects of the two. He also discusses cultural identity among deaf and hard-of-hearing persons. And in the third part, the author considers the deaf child and why it is so important for him/her to be able to grow up bilingual in sign language and the spoken language. He points to the role of both languages and argues that pursuing solely an auditory/oral approach puts the child at risk cognitively, linguistically, and personally. He ends by examining the reactions his writings have had on the field, and concludes with a few final remarks.

Two short writs granting land to the Church show how in the early years of William the Conqueror’s reign the use of Latin was gradually adopted where Old English had been used in pre-Conquest times for royal writs, though Latin was used for charters.

At the global level, many children learn language in bilingual or multilingual environments. They may hear and use one language at home and another at school and in the community. Some children learn more than one language in their home if the family uses more than one language in every day interactions. There is significant variability with respect to what language(s) children learn, when they learn each language, and in what context(s) each language is used. Children may hear and use different languages in the home, school and community. Developmental language disorder (DLD) affects approximately 10 per cent of the child population, including children with exposure to more than one language. A diagnosis of DLD in multilingual children should consider all languages a child hears and uses. Language learning is difficult for children with DLD and manifests across all their languages. Bilingual and multilingual children typically use forms that show the mutual influence of their languages. These influences are not indicators of DLD. Despite having difficulty with language learning, bilingual and multilingual children are not more likely to have DLD (though they may be at risk for misdiagnosis). Language intervention approaches for multilingual children with DLD should involve all their languages.

Language contact is at its most intense within one and the same individual. This chapter discusses the dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon of individual bilingualism, which emerges when individuals learn to understand multiple language varieties. Individual bilingual language use may contribute to societal processes of language change, language maintenance, and language loss. It is as yet not fully clear how bilingual individuals affect such larger processes, but cross-linguistic influence in comprehension and production, patterns of language choice, and variable levels of proficiency across the lifespan all play a role. These in turn depend on individuals' contexts for learning and using languages throughout the lifespan. The chapter exemplifies some of these on the basis of bilinguals' language biographies (including Frederick the Great's). Language learning histories and opportunities for using each language help explain the large variability in language skills and use among bilinguals. New languages can be learned until well into adulthood. Their number is constrained only by learning opportunities and motivation. Previously learned languages, including languages learned very early in life, can be lost through lack of use and practice. Language attitudes play a large role in all of this.