This chapter, written for those who work with children and adolescents, summarizes, explains and extends psychoanalytic thinking about young people and climate change. Ambivalence, disavowal, grief, unconscious societal pressures, feelings of betrayal, regression to immature defenses, and interaction of climate concerns with other developmental issues are explored, applying the developmental frameworks of Melanie Klein, Erik Erikson, and Wilfred Bion. Climate change implications within each Eriksonian stage of psychosocial development through young adulthood are described. Specific recommendations are made to promote healthy attachment to the natural world, valuable versions of hope, and alignment with values. The importance of being a “good-enough” “flexible container” in relation to young people is emphasized. Particular considerations in addressing climate change issues with young children and with adolescents are detailed.

Trust and reciprocity are two closely linked concepts that are ubiquitous within cooperative exchange. To distinguish the two, we first review potential motivations that drive trusting and reciprocal behavior. Economic theories suggest that both preferences over monetary distributions (outcome-based) as well as considerations about others’ intentions (belief-based) may contribute to decisions to trust and reciprocate. Outcome-based theories suggest that individuals’ internal preferences over monetary distribution influence decision-making. In comparison, belief-based theories assume that individuals’ expectations about themselves and others generate emotions that influence decision-making. Turning to the neuroscience of trust and reciprocity with the trust game, we find that neural activations in insula, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, and anterior cingulate cortex are common to belief-based motivations, while neural responses in caudate and amygdala reflect outcome-based motivations. Integrating economic theory with neuroscientific findings, we suggest that reciprocal behavior is primarily driven by belief-based motivations while trust behavior is associated with outcome-based preferences. We propose that future research should examine the potential context-dependent nature of behavioral motivations, investigate both positive and negative reciprocity, and leverage the trust game and related paradigms to parse potential sources of social dysfunction in mental illness.

Timon of Athens shows how basing one’s behavior on a shame ethic ultimately motivates killing everyone, even at the cost of one’s own life. Timon, whose self-esteem and pride were dependent on giving lavish dinner parties and gifts to his friends, feels overwhelmingly shamed and unloved when those same friends refuse to offer him the slightest help when he is unable to pay his bills – in response to which he declares war on all of Athens, enlisting Alcibiades to carry out this mass slaughter. This is a pattern demonstrated by the most violent prison inmates, who say they have “declared war on the whole world,” as well as by the “suicide bombers” of modern-day terrorism, mass murderers who commit “suicide by cop,” and so on.

Even before arriving in Hong Kong from Moscow, Ho Chi Minh had prior experience in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, having set up there in November 1924 (one year after Tan Malaka). The period coincides with the First United Front between Kuomintang government under Sun Yat-sen and the communists and with Soviet advisors moving in. Drawing in part upon materials supplied by French agents and Comintern records, this chapter explains how Ho Chi Minh bonded with a core group of confidants and comrades in Guangzhou, including youth trainees, many of whom would return to center stage in communist party organization in Hong Kong as well as in future actions. However, he was obliged to move this group away from anarchist and other ideologies in the interest of setting down a secretive Leninist-style cell system. Besides teaching and writing, Ho Chi Minh devoted much time to propagandizing among Vietnamese youth. The chapter also identifies the role of one Vietnamese double agent in brokering his local marriage, shortlived as it was, owing to the collapse of the united front and major repression of the Left.

How did people understand those with whom they disagreed? How was that disagreement handled?And how was that process affected by the heightened political climate of the 1790s? More especially, how did literary radicals such as Godwin, who believed in the communicability of truth, understand his developing disagreements with a range of men who, by the end of the decade, were willing to denounce his ideas from the lectern and pulpit? This chapter charts the breakdown of several of Godwin’s friendships, including Samul Parr, James Mackintosh and Francis Burdett, and looks at the wider problems faced for his understanding of his deliberative aspirations as repression and financial hardship increasingly undermined the social world he had been able to take for granted earlier in the decade.It also looks at evidence of decreasing confidence among radicals, and others, in the light of this reaction and the intrusion of loyalism into people’s sense of their private concerns.

Whereas most people agree that trust has an instrumental value, there is a considerable debate about whether trust is a moral notion and hence is of moral significance. To defend their position that trust is morally significant, the authors present two arguments: (1) a breach of trust typically leads to a feeling of betrayal, a reactive attitude, which is only warranted in cases pertaining to morality, and (2) the belief in a moral obligation of the trustee can be justified by the concept of obligation-ascription.