To describe the structure of production and the organization of exchange of obsidian chipped stone during the Middle Postclassic period (AD 1200–1350) in south-central Veracruz, Mexico, I analyzed 65 residential inventories from the center of Sauce and its hinterland. Previous research on obsidian production found a spatial association with Sauce, which could support the political administration of exchange, or alternatively, identify market exchange nearby. I argue that reliance on spatially based models alone for identifying exchange mechanisms is not advisable because of potential equifinality, in which different forms of exchange appear alike. Local obsidian artifacts have additional interpretive complications: they come from a single geological source, there was universal access to them, and they were employed in potentially specialized activities. I used the articulation of production combined with spatial distribution and residential contextual information to distinguish between redistribution and market exchange. Results indicate that market exchange is the main mechanism. The largest concentrations of primary production indicators and the highest quantities of blade segments were found near the Sauce center, which suggest that political elites at Sauce encouraged market exchange, although they did not direct it to the extent that they were controlling significant amounts of obsidian.

The famous greenstone figure known as the Tuxtla Statuette is one of only 12 objects known to bear an epi-Olmec inscription and was the first to become known to scholarship. For more than a century its original find-spot was imprecisely and erroneously identified as lying in the township of San Andrés Tuxtla or, more generally, in the Tuxtla Mountains. Correspondence in the National Anthropology Archives of the Smithsonian Institution documents that the figure was found on the Hacienda de Hueyapan de Mimendi, near the colossal head of Tres Zapotes. Archival research in Mexico's National Museum of Anthropology and the Archivo General del Estado de Veracruz, as well as interviews with descendants of owners of the Hacienda de Hueyapan and the statuette, allow us to confirm several features of the Smithsonian correspondence. The data indicate that the statuette was found within or very near the epi-Olmec regional center of Tres Zapotes and within the township of Santiago Tuxtla.

The agrarian body of law created by government legislators and jurists in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), sought to restore pueblos’ juridical standing by allowing communities to hold land collectively in the form of ejidos. Yet, state efforts to restructure property relations in the countryside often articulated with local alternative territorial projects that challenged the implementation of these redistributive legal measures. During the course of 50 years, cattle ranchers from the community of El Huanal in Nautla, Veracruz, defended private property, resisted land expropriation, and prevented the establishment of an ejido in the community. How did rancheros achieve this? How did they respond to the pressures of ‘peasant’ mobilisation? How did post-revolutionary legal discourse come to frame this struggle over land? What changes did this failed attempt to implement land reform trigger in the region? Looking closely at the conflicts, interactions, negotiations, and everyday practices that unfolded among a variety of actors around the interpretation and the applicability of ‘the law’, this article demonstrates how the agrarian reform, despite never having been implemented, altered both the material landscape and the social configuration of this community of coastal Veracruz.

For birds, we tested the efficacy of a technique used to obtain faecal samples and their seed content from bats by placing plastic sheets below mist nets. This method was compared with that of collecting faecal samples using cotton bags. Plastic sheets were placed below each of eight mist nets to obtain faecal samples from birds caught in cloud forest remnants. Each bird was then placed separately in a cotton bag to catch any other seeds excreted. There were 84 faecal samples in total: 64 with no seeds and 20 with seeds; of the latter 65% were obtained from the plastic sheets. A total of 407 seeds were collected, 317 from 11 plant species were collected on the plastic sheets and 90 belonging to six plant species in the bags. Seed richness and abundance were significantly greater for samples obtained using the plastic sheets than with the cotton bags. Although the number of bird faecal samples obtained did not differ between methods (13 vs 7), with the plastic sheets the number of faecal samples with seeds increased. Thus, to obtain more representative faecal samples from frugivorous birds, we strongly recommend the use of plastic sheets as part of the technique.

The competition for resources increases size inequality in trees, particularly under low abiotic stress. Because mangrove communities are subject to site-specific salinity (and therefore abiotic stress) gradients, these habitats should differ in height–diameter allometry and size inequality. The size inequality (by the Gini Coefficient, G) and maximum potential height (Hmax from a height–diameter asymptotic model) were determined within the mangrove forest of a coastal lagoon in Veracruz, Mexico in 20 0.25-ha plots, 10 in interdistributary basins (IBs, lower salinity) having Avicennia germinans, Laguncularia racemosa and Rhizophora mangle and 10 in mudflats (MFs, higher salinity) dominated by A. germinans. Size inequality was significantly higher in IBs (G = 0.59 ± 0.02 vs. 0.39 ± 0.03). Due to their significant intercorrelation G, total basal area and density were synthesized in one PCA axis accounting for 67% of total variance and inversely correlated with salinity (R = −0.65, P = 0.003). The height–diameter scaling model reached a stable asymptote (Hmax range: 16–21 m; coefficient of variation CV: 7.7) in IBs, suggesting that trees can still increase their diameter after achieving maximum height. In MFs, no stable asymptote was reached (Hmax range: 11–26 m; CV: 32.5), suggesting a lower growth rate of diameter in the MF trees when compared with IB trees.

Seeds dispersed and deposited by wind, animals and other dispersal agents are a fundamental component of natural forest succession, plant regeneration and population maintenance, aside from increasing a population's genetic pool in tropical ecosystems (Henry & Jouard 2007, Muscarella & Fleming 2007, Wilson & Traveset 2000). Frugivorous bats and birds are ideal vectors for long-distance seed dispersal; therefore, studies of the food habits of frugivores and the specific identities of the dispersers are essential for understanding ecological patterns and processes in tropical environments. Studies related to succession processes, the frequency, number and composition of seeds dispersed by animals are essential in order to generate new data and hypotheses, consequently the method and quality of obtaining data are important.