This paper examines the distribution of V2 in Yiddish and its effects on extraction. Specifically, we show that both Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2020) and minimality (Rizzi 2006) constrain wh-extractions from embedded clauses in Yiddish. This explains the pattern of that-trace effects in Yiddish, as well as the apparent absence of an escape hatch in certain constructions.

This paper explores V2 variation in West Flemish and French Flemish dialects of Dutch based on an extensive corpus of authentic spoken data. After taking stock of the existing literature, we probe into the effect of region, prosodic integration, form and function of the topicalized constituent, form of the subject, and the number of constituents in the prefield on (non)inverted word order. This is the first study that carries out regression analysis on the combined impact of these variables in the entire West Flemish and French Flemish region, with additional visualization of effect sizes. The results show that noninversion is generally more widespread than originally anticipated, with unexpected higher occurrence of noninversion in continental West Flemish and lower frequencies in western West Flemish. With the exception of the variable number of constituents in the prefield, all other variables had a significant impact on word order: Clausal topicalized elements, elements that have peripheral functions, and elements that lack prosodic integration all favor noninverted word order. The form of the subject also impacted word order, but its effect is sometimes overruled by discourse considerations.

The hypothesis that Old French was not a verb-second (V2) language, but rather a Topic-initial language, is evaluated in a corpus of verb initial (V1) and V2 matrix clauses extracted from a corpus of 12th- and 13th-century texts. It is shown that the initial constituent of V2 clauses is not always a Topic; it may be part of the informational Focus, or it could be an element that is neither Topic nor Focus. In addition, in V1 and V2 sentences with subject inversion, the postverbal subject may be an informational Topic, contrary to the hypothesis that subjects must move to the preverbal position to avoid being interpreted as part of the informational Focus. Therefore, from an Information-Structure point of view, Old French is similar to a standard V2 language like German. However, certain differences between 12th- and 13th-century texts could suggest that the use of the left periphery evolved during the period considered.

Old French (OF) is often characterized as a Germanic-style asymmetric V2 language, although this characterization is often questioned. The present study evaluates the nature of OF V2 from a quantitative perspective. An extensive set of data provided by syntactically annotated corpora shows that both IP and CP structure change over the OF period. Focusing on Germanic inversion – XVS word order – I argue that most of the attested inversion in OF occurs within an elaborated IP structure and that this type of subject inversion dwindles over time due to the decreasing use of null expletives. True Germanic-style embedded V2 does not appear until the late 12th century, and is only rarely used throughout the 13th century. Thus, OF is an asymmetric V2 language, but with a difference, namely in having an IP field that allows for apparent V2 orders and a CP field that is only marginally employed.

The short-wavelength-sensitive (S) cones play an important role in color vision of primates, and may also contribute to the coding of other visual features, such as luminance and motion. The color signals carried by the S cones and other cone types are largely separated in the subcortical visual pathway. Studies on nonhuman primates or humans have suggested that these signals are combined in the striate cortex (V1) following a substantial amplification of the S-cone signals in the same area. In addition to reviewing these studies, this review describes the circuitry in V1 that may underlie the processing of the S-cone signals and the dynamics of this processing. It also relates the interaction between various cone signals in V1 to the results of some psychophysical and physiological studies on color perception, which leads to a discussion of a previous model, in which color perception is produced by a multistage processing of the cone signals. Finally, I discuss the processing of the S-cone signals in the extrastriate area V2.

This short communication is a brief extension of recent work on verb second (V2) in Scandinavian declarative clauses and a contribution to research on the relation between V2 and illocutionary force. It is argued that Swedish data present a problem for the hypothesis that a bi-conditional relation holds between the illocutionary force of an assertion and V2 word order. The relevant force, to the extent that we can identify it, appears to be available also in the absence of V2 word order. It is tentatively suggested that V2 encodes evidentiality.

We recorded from single cells in area V2 of cynomolgus monkeys using standard acute recording techniques. After measuring each cell's spatial and temporal properties, we performed several tests of its chromatic properties using sine-wave gratings modulated around a mean gray background. Most cells behaved like neurons in area V1 and their responses were adequately described by a model that assumes a linear combination of cone signals. Unlike in V1, we found a subpopulation of cells whose activity was increased or inhibited by stimuli within a narrow range of color combinations. No particular color directions were preferentially represented. V2 cells showing color specificity, including cells showing narrow chromatic tuning, were present in any of the stripe compartments, as defined by cytochrome-oxidase (CO) staining. An addition of chromatic contrast facilitated the responses of most neurons to gratings with various luminance contrasts. Neurons in all three CO compartments gave significant responses to isoluminant gratings. Receptive-field properties of cells were generally similar for luminance and chromatically defined stimuli. We found only a small number of cells with a clearly identifiable double-opponent receptive-field organization.

This paper focuses on the origin of the V2 property in the history of Germanic. Considering data from Gothic and Old English (OE), it is suggested that the historical core of the V2 phenomenon reduces to V-to-C movement that is triggered in operator contexts. Therefore, the historical system shares basic properties with limited V2 in Modern English. It is shown that apparent deviations from this pattern that can be observed in Gothic can be attributed to the influence of Greek word order. Concerning the apparently more elaborate V2 properties of OE, it is claimed that a large part of them in fact do not involve a Spec-head relation, but rather result from linear adjacency between the clause-initial element and a finite verb located in T0. Special attention is paid to the placement of pronominal subjects in OE, which are claimed to occupy SpecTP. This contrasts with a lower position of full subjects due to the absence of an EPP in OE. Finally, the loss of superficial V2 orders in the Middle English period is attributed to the development of an EPP feature in T.