As a means to resolve the Tribal Question in India, the centrality of the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Indian Constitution is widely acknowledged. However, their final incorporation, despite intense nationalist opposition in the run-up to Indian Independence, remains historically unexplained. This article addresses this lacuna by reconstructing the circumstances under which the Indian National Congress came to accept scheduling as a viable method of providing protection to tribal communities. This strategic shift can be explained as a result of combined political pressures generated by communist-led tribal movements and a steadily mounting challenge heralded by a new stream of educated middle-class tribal activists in eastern India. Foremost among the latter was Jaipal Singh Munda who mobilized a large constituency of supporters demanding a separate province of Jharkhand. Taken together, there is enough evidence to prove that in the period 1937–1950, the tribes were not silent and their collective agency had a deep impact on the constitution-making process. Finally, the article argues that this period witnessed a significant change in the character of the Congress as erstwhile freedom-fighters turned into ruling elites.

This article explores nineteenth-century colonial representations of the Oraons of Chhotanagpur. Described in administrative reports of early nineteenth-century Chhotanagpur as mlecchha and dhangar, or as part of a ‘village community’ of Coles/Kols, these Oraons, by the late nineteenth century, were referred to as a ‘tribe’. To trace the categories through which the Oraons journeyed across colonial records, I discuss texts and reports which later became part of bureaucratic memory. The shifts within official understanding, I argue, were related to the working of official minds, changing assumptions, and differing languages; the tensions within the discipline of anthropology and its application in the colony; the variations within ideologies of governance and the imperatives of rule; and interactions with ‘native’ informants and correspondents, along with personal observations of local practices. There remained, however, an uneasy tension between wider intellectual trends in Europe and their reverberations in the colony, and the experiences of governance: colonial knowledge was not always produced with arrogance and assurance but also with doses of uncertainty, hesitation, disquiet, and often despair. In the shifting representations of the tribe across the nineteenth century, there is, I suggest, a pattern. In the pre-1850s, local nomenclature was adopted and voices of dissent—expressed through agrarian protests in Chhotanagpur—were addressed. By the 1850s, the utilitarian agenda structured colonial imaginaries and interventions. The 1860s witnessed the interplay of ethnological concerns, missionary beliefs, and Arcadian principles. From the 1890s, the idea of tribe was overwhelmingly structured by the supremacy of disciplinary knowledge systems that increasingly supplanted the role of the ‘native’ informant.

Based primarily on British consular reports, this article studies transborder movement in Iran's eastern borderlands during the two decades following the rise of Reza Khan in 1921. It discusses two kinds of transborder movements: tribal exodus and smuggling. By examining the contexts of these transborder movements, this article explores the desire of the new state to assert sovereignty as it appeared in the borderlands and demonstrates that, rather than simply closing the borders, the Pahlavi state attempted to control the flows of people and goods, with dual effects. It introduced new constraints to mobility and as well fostered the development of borderland networks that enabled diffused transborder movement, making it harder for the authorities to control.

Using material from the history of African thought, this essay proposes a strategy for writing a comparative history of race that ranges beyond a consideration of white supremacy and its anti-racist inflections. Studies of race outside the global north have often been hobbled by rigid modernist assumptions that over-privilege the determining influence of Western discourses at the expense of local intellectual inheritances. This essay, in contrast, proposes a focus on locally inherited discourses of difference that have shown signs of becoming racialized, at times through entanglement with Western ideas. It pays particular attention to discourses that arranged “human kinds” along a progression from barbarian to civilized, suggesting the presence of African historicisms that in modern times have converged with the stadial ideas that played a major role in Western racial thought.

The “Paika Rebellion” of 1817 in Orissa, India has been depicted by colonial officers as a local disturbance caused by the dissatisfaction of one powerful individual deprived of traditional privileges who instigated the pāikas. The nationalist reconstruction has depicted the event as a popular freedom movement involving various castes and classes of Orissan society. This has culminated in a current move to declare the “Paika Rebellion” the First Indian War of Independence. I would like to suggest a third perspective, which focuses on the heterogeneities and linkages of the Rebellion. It is important to note that the “Paika Rebellion” was a meeting point of plural genealogies: “tribal” revolts to protect autonomy, “peasant” resistance to secure livelihood, restorative attempts by the traditional landed class, and ruling class efforts to defend and expand authority. Appreciating the plural genealogies of the Rebellion leads to more perceptive understandings of the heterogeneous characteristics of popular movements and their aftermaths in modern India. Lastly, in order to go beyond colonial and dominant-caste centred perspectives, I propose that we name it the “Orissa Uprising of 1817”.

The basis of social identity in Afghanistan is the concept of qawm. As qawm refers to an individual’s solidarity group, such as village, tribe, subtribe, or even ethnic group, it captures broad in-group/out-group distinctions. We analyze a survey experiment to explore how qawm affiliation affects individual perceptions of politicians running for a fictitious local election. Contrary to expectations derived from the literatures on Afghanistan and on identity politics, we find qawm affiliation does not influence voter choice or perceived importance that a fellow qawm member should be elected. Moreover, qawm affiliation actually undermines individual perceptions a candidate will work on behalf of voters if elected. We explore two general mechanisms that may explain these findings, including weakening social ties and salience of the qawm.

In Flaminio and Montagna [‘An algebraic approach to states on MV-algebras’, in: Fuzzy Logic 2, Proc. 5th EUSFLAT Conference, Ostrava, 11–14 September 2007 (ed. V. Novák) (Universitas Ostraviensis, Ostrava, 2007), Vol. II, pp. 201–206; ‘MV-algebras with internal states and probabilistic fuzzy logic’, Internat. J. Approx. Reason.50 (2009), 138–152], the authors introduced MV-algebras with an internal state, called state MV-algebras. (The letters MV stand for multi-valued.) In Di Nola and Dvurečenskij [‘State-morphism MV-algebras’, Ann. Pure Appl. Logic161 (2009), 161–173], a stronger version of state MV-algebras, called state-morphism MV-algebras, was defined. In this paper, we present the Loomis–Sikorski theorem for σ-complete MV-algebras with a σ-complete state-morphism-operator, showing that every such MV-algebra is aσ-homomorphic image of a tribe of functions with an internal state induced by a function where all the MV-operations are defined by points.

Three traditional tribes of Fordini, Pemphigini and Eriosomatini comprise Pemphiginae, and there are two subtribes in Fordini and Pemphigini, respectively. Most of the species in this subfamily live heteroecious holocyclic lives with distinct primary host specificity. The three tribes of Pemphigini (except Prociphilina), Eriosomatini and Fordini use three families of plants, Salicaceae (Populus), Ulmaceae (Ulums) and Anacardiaceae (Pistacia and Rhus), as primary hosts, respectively, and form galls on them. Therefore, the Pemphigids are well known as gall makers, and their galls can be divided into true galls and pseudo-galls in type. We performed the first molecular phylogenetic study of Pemphiginae based on molecular data (EF-1α sequences). Results show that Pemphiginae is probably not a monophylum, but the monophyly of Fordini is supported robustly. The monophyly of Pemphigini is not supported, and two subtribes in it, Pemphigina and Prociphilina, are suggested to be raised to tribal level, equal with Fordini and Eriosomatini. The molecular phylogenetic analysis does not show definite relationships among the four tribes of Pemphiginae, as in the previous phylogenetic study based on morphology. It seems that the four tribes radiated at nearly the same time and then evolved independently. Based on this, we can speculate that galls originated independently four times in the four tribes, and there is no evidence to support that true galls are preceded by pseudo-galls, as in the case of thrips and willow sawflies.

We show that monotone σ -complete effect algebras under some conditions are σ - homomorphic images of effect-tribes (as monotone σ -complete effect algebras), which are nonempty systems of fuzzy sets closed under complements, sums of fuzzy sets less than 1, and containing all pointwise limits of nondecreasing fuzzy sets. Because effect-tribes are generalizations of Boolean σ -algebras of subsets, we present a generlization of the Loomis-Sikorski theorem for such effect algebras. We show that we can choose an effect-tribe to be a system of affin fuzzy sets. In addition, we present a new version of the Loomis-Sikorski theorem for σ-complete MV-algebras.