What were the chief characteristics of the new social democratic system of government that developed in Britain between 1931 and 1976?

Capital/assets ratios in banking declined substantially during the two world wars. Three drivers severely impacted the capitalisation of banks. Banks invested heavily in government debt, which led to an expansion of balance sheets. High inflation ratios devalued the paid-up capital of banks. Moreover, formal and informal constraints restricted banks from issuing capital in wartime. The Second World War, in particular, had long-lasting effects on the evolution bank capital. The United Kingdom controlled capital issuances after 1939 and reinforced the financial repression of banks. The Swiss Banks operated in a regulated but much more liberal framework. In the United States, the belief in informal capital requirement guidelines was very pronounced. By the mid-1930s, the United States had already three federal bank supervisory agencies, which all had developed opinions on how capital adequacy was assessed. However, the rapidly growing government debt in banks’ balance sheets overturned these conventions, leading to the first risk-adjusted measurements for capital and triggering the development of new measurement approaches that became the forerunner of the Basel I guidelines.

This chapter engages with Bowen’s writings of the Second World War. It explores how these texts responded to the narratives, myths, and lies fed to Britons to maintain wartime morale and to aid the transformation, in the immediate post-war period, of traumatic and discontinuous experiences into palatable histories. The chapter begins with Bowen’s wartime autobiographical works, Bowen’s Court and Seven Winters (1942), both of which register anxieties about how personal experiences and recollections may be disputed by the assertions of historical accounts. These works are then discussed in relation to comparable concerns which emerged in the final months of the Second World War, once news of the Holocaust began to challenge both narratives which had stressed the terrible conditions endured in Britain and the scepticism many civilians had professed about reports of Nazi atrocities. Central to this argument is a reading of Bowen’s The Heat of the Day (1949): a post-war novel that links the painful forms of retrospective censure suffered by its heroine to questions circulating in this period about personal responsibility and the limits of judgement.

Initially neutral in the Second World War, Iran was drawn into the conflict due to its strategic location and economic importance, particularly its oil resources. After the German attack on the Soviet Union, Iran’s position south of the Soviet borders became crucial for supporting the eastern front. Consequently, British, and Soviet forces occupied Iran in August 1941, transforming it into the ‘Bridge of Victory.’ This geopolitical significance post-war laid the groundwork for the Cold War. The narrative then shifts to explore Iran’s role during and after the war, focusing on the Iranian oil industry. It delves into the working and living conditions of the oil workers, the organisation of labour, the rise of political radicalism, and the involvement of political parties. A detailed analysis of the bloodiest labour conflict in 1946 highlights the long-term impact of labour radicalism on the social lives of workers and probes the persistence of these radical movements. By connecting Iran’s wartime role to post-war developments, the analysis illuminates the profound effects of global conflicts on local industries and social structures.

This uninhibited book of Collingwood’s rounds off his contribution to philosophy in a fiercely personal style. Declaring his unbounded admiration for the Leviathan of Hobbes and following its fourfold structure, Collingwood offers a systematic account of man, society, civilization, and “barbarism” – the last being understood as active hostility towards civilization, or revolt against it. Collingwood’s thoughts on the meaning of “society” and “civility,” as well as on questions of peace and war, remain very much alive; of particular interest here are his distinction between “eristic” and “dialectical” approaches to disagreement, and his conception of a body politic as the scene of a “dialectical” relationship between social and non-social elements. Other discussions impose greater distance on a modern reader – among them his briskly affirmative treatment of the role of a “ruling class,” of our entry into a presumed “social contract,” and of the “intelligent exploitation of nature.”

The conclusion of the Second World War marked a significant turning point in global dynamics, particularly evidencing the decline of British global supremacy. Economic crises engendered by the war, coupled with the political repercussions of Indian independence, accelerated the dissolution of the British Empire. One salient indicator of this decline was Iran’s decisive move toward the nationalisation of its oil industry, a pivotal moment extensively analysed in this chapter. The Labour government in Britain, assuming power at the war’s end, aimed to revise its policies to maintain its monopoly in the Iranian oil sector by improving workers’ conditions. However, these efforts proved too limited and belated to effectively counter the rapid political developments in Iran, ultimately leaving Britain without a favourable strategic position in the Iranian context. The narrative then shifts to explore the working and living conditions within the Iranian oil industry in the late 1940s, highlighting the increasing poverty, entrenched housing, and health problems. It also examines the oil company’s response to the emerging labour movement and delves into the workers’ role in the nationalisation process. Additionally, the discussion encompasses the broader impacts of the withdrawal of British experts from Iran, focusing on the long-term effects on the lives and work of industry employees. These events significantly shaped the socio-economic landscape of the region and influenced the global power structures in the post-war era.

The chapter begins with a description of the multiple discriminatory legislation against the Jews enacted soon after the Nazi takeover in 1933. It then considers the ambivalent situation of the Jews in the following years, as told in the autobiography of the historian Peter Gay (Fröhlich), by then a high-school pupil in Berlin. While he and his family were only marginally affected by the Nazi acts of discrimination, most other Jews greatly suffered under this policy, as well as from the social exclusion associated with it and finally from the general economic hardship at the time. In fact, by the November (1938) Pogrom, Jews could no longer be seen as Germans. Could they still reflect German history – as they did throughout previous periods, according to this book? The chapter tries to handle this question by first briefly describing the history of the Holocaust and then dealing more fully with the historiography of this period, written since the end of the war till today.

Departing from the conventional narrative that views borders exclusively as a source of hostility in inter-Asian relations, this book tells a story of how two revolutionary states launched movements and pursued policies that echoed each other as well as collaborated in extending their authority to the border to temper the transnational tendencies there – a process that the author characterizes as “joint state invasion,” which challenges both the Scottian narrative of state evasion and the Tillyan model of state formation. The Guangxi-northeastern Vietnam border is geographically, economically, and ethnically diverse and includes highlands, lowlands, and access to the Gulf of Tonkin. State activities at the border in the second half of the twentieth century were initiated in the context of historical precedents of successful, and equally importantly, unsuccessful state intrusions into the borderlands. There was a qualitative difference between state activities on the Sino-Vietnamese border that began during the Cold War and those that came before, where “distracted states” facing continuous wars were often unable to devote adequate resources to the task of border making. More importantly, limited coordination between the successive Chinese governments and the French colonial state left the border people significant “wiggle room” to circumvent the political authority.

An account of the political and military events leading to the destruction of the evacuated documents of the Naples State Archives by German soldiers in September 1943. The nature of the lost material, especially the registers of the Angevin dynasty, and subsequent attempts to recreate what can be known of this material.

A detailed analysis of the medieval material in the Municipal Library at Chartres destroyed in the US air raid of 1944. This serves as an introduction to many aspects of the intellectual life of the Middle Ages. Discussion of work on the intellectual world of Chartres and of the birth of American Romantic medievalism.