The year 1975 marked a watershed year for Spanish-surnamed people in the United States and their relationship with the federal government. In that year Congress extended the Voting Rights Act to include a “language minority” category, requiring federal election officials to translate election materials under certain conditions. By validating language rights for language minorities, Congress expanded federal voting protections far beyond African Americans. Advocates for Spanish speakers took up the cause before Congress, which created a new federally protected category based on the long history of discrimination in education and society they collected in testimonies. These language protections catered largely to Spanish speakers, though the category also included Alaska Natives, Native Americans, and Asian Americans. The process of gaining a separate language minority status is explored in this article, which explains how Congress chose to create a law that included Spanish speakers by name.

The twenty-first century has seen a surge in scholarship on Latino educational history and a new nonbinary umbrella term, Latinx, that a younger generation prefers. Many of historian Victoria-María MacDonald's astute observations in 2001 presaged the growth of the field. Focus has increased on Spanish-surnamed teachers and discussions have grown about the Latino experience in higher education, especially around student activism on campus. Great strides are being made in studying the history of Spanish-speaking regions with long ties to the United States, either as colonies or as sites of large-scale immigration, including Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines. Historical inquiry into the place of Latinos in the US educational system has also developed in ways that MacDonald did not anticipate. The growth of the comparative race and ethnicity field in and of itself has encouraged cross-ethnic and cross-racial studies, which often also tie together larger themes of colonialism, language instruction, legal cases, and civil rights or activism.

Background: Older Puerto Ricans belong to two rapidly growing demographic groups known to have high rates of depression: the aging and Hispanic populations. Studies of depression in Puerto Ricans have primarily focused on the impact of demographic factors and health. This study expands previous research, examining the relationships between depression and social stressors, social support, and religiosity, for Puerto Rican primary care patients aged 50 and older. Patients: Participants included 303 Puerto Ricans from six primary care clinics in a northeastern city. Methods: Patients completed in-person interview in Spanish. The Composite International Diagnostic Interview indicated depressive disorders meeting DSM-IV criteria. Bivariate and multivariate relationships between depression and demographics, health, social stress and support, and religiosity were explored. Results: One fifth of participants met DSM-IV criteria for major depression or dysthymia. Participants with the lowest income, more recent migration, and poor subjective health were significantly more likely to be depressed. In addition, rates of depression increased steeply for patients caring for grandchildren and those with personal or family legal problems. Seeing few relatives each month and needing more instrumental, emotional, or financial support were also related to higher rates of depression. Unexpectedly, low objective illness severity correlated with increased depression, whereas religiosity and religious participation had no relationship to depression. Conclusions: The findings presented here indicate the potential for social stressors and inadequate supports to substantially increase the risk of depression in older Puerto Ricans in primary care settings. Further studies should explore incorporating these social risk factors into improved prevention, clinical detection, and culturally sensitive treatment of older depressed Puerto Ricans.