L’AFPEP-SNPP existe sous sa forme actuelle, associative et syndicale, depuis plus de 40 ans. Elle représente les psychiatres privés (libéraux en ville et en clinique, mais aussi salariés à temps partiel dans le milieu associatif et médicosocial). La psychiatrie privée accompagne le patient dans l’accomplissement de soins qu’il a librement choisis. Elle repose essentiellement sur un lien de confiance où la souplesse du clinicien et sa polyvalence sont les clés d’une efficacité thérapeutique et préventive des troubles mentaux les plus variés (depuis les interrogations en apparence bénignes jusqu’aux pathologies chroniques lourdes). L’exercice privé se distingue par le dispositif psychiatrique le plus allégé, son moindre coût de fonctionnement, notamment administratif et assure environ 2 millions de consultations annuelles en France. Il permet un exercice professionnel le plus indépendant possible, car la rémunération repose essentiellement sur les honoraires directement perçus de la part des patients. À ce titre, les psychiatres privés expriment un point de vue indépendant et original sur les processus administratifs imposés par la législation et notamment par la Haute Autorité de santé. Ils demeurent solidaires de la profession qui bénéficie ainsi d’une complémentarité dans l’éventail thérapeutique, par une articulation entre la ville et l’hôpital. Ils peuvent enrichir la réflexion psychiatrique par leurs recherches indépendantes et ainsi réinterroger les concepts de la psychiatrie traditionnelle, par exemple le paradigme de la psychose, qui a permis le développement d’une réflexion clinique spécifique à la psychiatrie. Ils doivent confronter les données de la science avec le besoin que ressentent les patients d’exprimer librement leurs troubles, et beaucoup d’entre eux pratiquent la psychothérapie. C’est ainsi qu’ils sont amenés à réinventer leur approche clinique au gré de l’évolution de la société et de la technologie, notamment en ce qui concerne les adolescents et les nouveaux modes d’expression de leurs troubles.

This article compares the collective commemoration of martyrs to ascertain changes in cultural understandings of the relationship between the ultimate sacrifice offered by an individual and monarchal violence. This historical comparison is used to argue that changes in the nature of Christianity transformed the popular interpretation of sovereign violence from a desecrative to a redemptive force. While cultural individualism and political statism appear in secularized modernity as contradictory impulses, their birth in early modernity was induced by coherent and entirely consistent religious worldview.

This article takes issue with the common view that the early Turkish Republic (1920-1940) followed a “special” route to modernity characterized by “state capitalism.” It argues that such a view, rooted in the Sonderweg paradigm, obscures the historical-comparative specificity of Turkish state formation, leading to problematic conclusions about the character of Turkish modernization. Based on insights derived from Karl Polanyi’s notion of “economistic fallacy” and Political Marxism’s conception of capitalism, I offer a new interpretation of the early Republican project in Turkey, which, in turn, provides a deeper understanding of the social content, tempo and multi-linearity of world historical development.

At the heart of the $2 trillion Islamic-finance industry is a ban on interest. But why is there only an Islamic ban on interest today? After all, for over a millennium, interest was also gravely sinful in Judaism and Christianity. While scholars have addressed the evolution of Jewish, Christian, and Islamic economic morality in isolation, very few since Weber have tackled the interest question directly and comparatively.

I argue that the fate of the religious interest ban has always depended on the fate of religious jurists. When religious jurists are absent, no systematic interest ban emerges. When religious jurists emerge as technical experts, the interest ban appears and thrives. And when religious jurists come under attack or lose their traditional role in society, the interest ban withers and dies.

To conclude, I call for a reconstruction of Weber’s theory of religion and economic morality that dissolves the tradition-modernity binary.

This paper argues that the class-based analyses that seek to make sense of the recent transformation of Turkish modernity rest on a pre-given duality between the state and the bourgeoisie. This not only jettisons the relational and temporal context in which classes define and articulate their interests, thereby leading to determinist explanations of various sorts, but also obscures the historical distinctiveness and mutual re-transformation of two different modes of socio-spatial organization, modernity and capitalism, in Turkey. Based on a novel historical materialist method known as Political Marxism, I suggest that re-conceptualizing class as property-relations sheds new light on the historical-comparative specificity of Turkish modernity, which, in turn, leads to a radical re-interpretation of Turkey’s recent transformation.

The present article addresses the question of secularism in Greece. It discusses the prevalent modernist and civilisationist explanations of the recent crisis in state-church relations in Greece. Based on the idea that there is neither a single route to, nor a single pattern of, modernity and secularism, the article argues that the entanglement between state and church in modern Greece does not necessarily indicate either incomplete modernity or incomplete secularism. The paper emphasises both the structural weakness of the Orthodox Church in the modern Greek state and the secularisation of the church's ideology as core dimensions of the particular pattern of secularism in this country. The recent crisis is interpreted as a result of the twofold challenge of democratisation and globalisation that this historically grown pattern of secularism is facing over the last decades. Further, the article seeks to demonstrate that the nationalist stance of the Church of Greece should not be seen as persistent blind traditionalism and anti-modernism.

In this article, I review my recent book Protestant Modernity. Weber, Secularisation and Protestantism, which reconstructs Weber's theory of secularisation and argues that this is formulated within a liberal Protestant framework. I argue that this theory is a part of his Protestant account of modernity. I also sketch some of the major issues involved in developing a Catholic account of modernity and provide some worked through examples of the sociological implications of this change of confessional presuppositions.