This multisited ethnography is not about sex work or sex trafficking, or even about anti-trafficking campaigns alone. Instead, as an anthropologist of law, NGOs, and the Indian state, the author situates the governance of prostitution in the broader Indian sociolegal and global humanitarian contexts. The book illuminates how Indian law and global anti-trafficking campaigns come together to govern prostitution, combining humanitarianism, paternalism, punitive care, bureaucracy, and morality. It explores the consequences of US-funded anti-trafficking campaigns operating alongside India’s existing legal framework against prostitution, and highlights the significant role NGOs play in suturing and implementing both kinds of interventions. At the same time, the book tracks how women removed from the sex trade – some of whom were trafficked and others voluntary sex workers – navigate these overlapping interventions. The title Immoral Traffic comes from India’s anti-prostitution law, which donor-driven NGOs draw upon to implement their anti-trafficking agenda. This law’s provisions and procedures to “manage” prostitution, and NGOs’ efforts to deploy and extend them, feature centrally throughout the book. Immoral Traffic takes the reader along the sequence of interventions this law prescribes and sex workers experience, from rescues to courts to carceral shelters.

The accession of six British Empire member states to the League of Nations questioned the Empire’s constitutional structure, and whether it was one entity or many. The resulting debate would form the doctrine of ‘inter se’ that attempted to rationalise the Empire’s new situation. Chapter Three delves into the frictions caused by separating the Empire’s international personality, as imperial federalists attempted to control and harmonise the foreign relations of the Empire, whilst Dominion leaders sought to use their newfound seat in Geneva to pursue their distinct foreign policies. As the Dominions began to gain full statehood, the chapter examines how the gulf between their membership at the League and that of India’s began to widen.

Before the summer of 1914, there were seemingly few indicators that British colonies would be represented on the international stage as nominally separate entities, as they would be five years later. Chapter One charts the changing patterns of British rule that constituted the ‘Third British Empire’, and how new patterns of imperial governance were beginning to emerge in the newly formed Dominion of South Africa, that would put the Empire on a trajectory towards separating its international personality. This chapter will also examine how India, a colony with comparatively fewer of the self-governing institutions of the Dominions, would also accede to the Imperial Conference alongside the Dominions, a significant step towards membership of the embryonic League. Finally, this chapter will assess to what extent the participation of colonies at international organisations and conferences was normalised, and what precedents were employed to justify the presence of colonies after the War ended.

The demise of the League of Nations did not lead to the end of colonial membership at international organisations. Chapter Six examines how the League’s legacy of colonial membership continued under the United Nations. Despite not being fully independent, the Indian National Congress would appoint India’s delegation at the first General Assembly in 1946, resulting in a very different international personality. No longer constrained and gagged by British appointees and the imperial conference, India would aggressively pursue its longstanding grievances against South Africa, destroying the ideal of inter se, and effectively ending the British ideal of colonial membership at international organisations. Instead, this chapter reveals how the end of the legacy of colonial membership went beyond the British Empire, and was replicated by the Soviet Union in the accession of Soviet Belorussia and Ukraine. Neither of these member states would become independent until 1991.

Having secured a seat at the Paris Peace Conference at the end of the First World War, British and Dominion officials pushed for the accession of British colonies to the new League of Nations. Chapter Two probes the legal bases, as well as the political arguments employed to convince United States’ President Woodrow Wilson, why the Dominions and India should be separate member states from Britain at the League. As Britain and the Dominions pushed Wilson for colonial accession to the League, this chapter also examines political pressures, both within the United States, as well as from anti-colonial nationalists from within British colonies, who wanted their own membership of the League, separate from the one proposed by Britain. In doing so, this chapter answers whether colonial membership came about through British imperial design, or through anti-colonial pressures of the ‘Wilsonian Moment’.

Personalized pricing is a form of pricing where different customers are charged different prices for the same product depending on their ability to pay, based on the information that the trader holds of a potential customer. Pricing plays a relevant role in the decision-making process by the consumers, and a firm’s performance can be determined by the ability of the business entities to execute a pricing strategy accordingly. Further, pricing also determines the quality, value, and willingness to buy. Usually the willingness of a consumer depends on transparency and fairness.

Technological developments have enabled online sellers to personalize prices of the goods and services.

This chapter develops an account of prolific Indian author and peace activist Wahiduddin Khan in terms of his approach to exegesis, his apologetics in relation to the natural sciences, his Islamocentric conception to historical teleology, his approach to political quietism, and his valorisation of the principle of strategic concession.

This chapter examines the politics of the negotiations surrounding the Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) Agreement within the World Trade Organization (WTO). Historically, developing and emerging economies have opposed multilateral investment rules over concerns that they would favor developed countries and limit policy space. However, proposals for the IFD Agreement have gained momentum, thanks in part to Global South members such as Brazil and China, which have also advanced their preferences through bilateral and regional arrangements outside of the WTO. Despite promises to focus on technical aspects and avoid politically charged topics, negotiations continue to raise objections from other emerging economies such as India and South Africa over extending the WTO’s mandate and preserving policy space. The chapter compares the competing interests and strategies of India, Brazil, and China as they attempt to establish investment facilitation standards inside and outside of the WTO. While the standards they promote are similar, their political motivations may create obstacles to the consolidation of a final multilateral agreement.

Liberty of thought is the first liberty that the Preamble to the Constitution of India aims to secure. Yet, one finds no mention of ‘thought’ as one of the protected freedoms under Part III of the Constitution, which safeguards fundamental rights. This chapter takes the first steps to address this riddle and locating the normative foundations for the right. It argues that while the Preambular ideal itself is insufficient to confer a substantive right, its role in judicial interpretation, along with the interrelationship between fundamental rights, provides a robust normative foundation for the right to freedom of thought in India. Specifically, the chapter discusses the development of the right to mental privacy in the context of brain-reading in Selvi, and later in Puttaswamy. The right to (mental) privacy read into dignity by the Supreme Court of India already takes steps towards constructing a forum internum, and on the other hand, the challenge of the vulnerability of the legal subject becomes evident in the context of the right to freedom of conscience. Regarding the absolute nature of the right, this chapter argues that only as a Preambular ideal is the liberty of thought absolute within the Indian legal framework.

The chapter begins with a review of the historical and current socio-political context for sexual minority and gender diverse (SMGD) individuals living in India, followed by relevant research on the associations between minority stress and well-being. A particular focus is devoted to presenting data collected as part of the SMGD-MN study. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future psychological research with SMGD communities in India.