When the analytical lens of intersectionality was first applied to descriptive representation, it documented the increased level of disadvantage for those belonging to more than one underrepresented group. Although ethnic minority women have been slow to benefit from drives to boost ethnic minority or women’s representation, increasingly, political parties seeking to diversify see them as “ticking two boxes,” resulting in a new positive story of relative representational success in many countries and legislatures. However, we argue that the two narratives coexist: intersectional group membership mars the experience of ethnic minority women politicians despite their increased electoral success. Conceptualizing intersectional disadvantage beyond examining differential outcomes, we focus instead on how the mechanisms leading to those outcomes are experienced by ethnic minority women local councillors, from their selection to their working conditions and extra representative burdens. Using 85 interviews with ethnic minority women and men UK local councillors, we demonstrate how gender and racial inequalities leave ethnic minority women fighting two (or more) battles.

In recent decades, representation of ethnic minorities increased significantly across Europe, while concurrently many political parties moved to the right on multiculturalism and immigration, a seeming paradox. We explain it by arguing that often it is the same parties that move to the right and simultaneously increase representation. They use this dual strategy in an attempt to positionally converge to the median voter, where the increased minority representation acts as a reputational shield to prevent allegations of intolerance. Looking at parliaments of eight European countries between 1990 and 2015, we find that parties that shifted to the right in response to a public mood swing to the right are indeed significantly more likely to bring more ethnic minority politicians into parliament. This has important implications for the literature on descriptive representation and party platform change.

Few older adults discuss their end-of-life care wishes with their physician, and even fewer minorities do this. We explored physicians’ experience with advance care planning (ACP) including the barriers/facilitating factors encountered when initiating/conducting ACP discussions with South Asians (SA), one of Canada’s largest minorities. Eleven primary care physicians (PC) and 11 hospitalists with ≥ 15 per cent SA patients ≥ 55 years of age were interviewed: 10 in 2020, 12 in 2021. Thematic analysis of transcripts indicated that cultural and communication barriers, physician’s specialization, SA older adults’ lack of ACP awareness, and decision-making deference to family and physicians were barriers to ACP discussions. Although the COVID-19 pandemic impacted physicians’ practices, contrary to our hypothesis most reported no change in frequency of ACP discussions. Although ACP discussions were viewed as best conducted by PC physicians, only 55 per cent had ACP training and only 64 per cent had used ACP tools. Training in ACP facilitation, concerning ACP tool usage, and training in patient–physician communication are recommended.

In the Netherlands, the generic work-first support seems unable to mitigate the scarring effects of prior unemployment on ethnic minorities’ careers. This study compares the impact of vulnerable ethnic minorities participating in an alternative employer-based employment programme with a control group entitled to work-first support on employment up to ten years later. We look at how both labour market interventions with different time horizon strategies may close the employment gap with the regular labour force. Results indicate that programme participants from (non-)western groups achieve higher levels of (competitive) employment than the control group, but the programme’s impact is negligible for the most established ethnic groups. The improved short-term wage match can partially explain the additional programme effect when considering the different time horizon strategies. Our results call for more employer-based programmes providing vulnerable ethnic minorities with the desired skills for better employment prospects, e.g. skill-shortage jobs.

In this article I demonstrate how in the post-Thaw period—the period of “soft” socialist realism—the northern indigenous minorities began to (re)invent literary writing and manifest their own version of the canon. Due to the lack of a pre-Soviet written literary tradition, “young” literatures were born as a symbiosis of folklore, beliefs, indigenous-Christian customs and the surrogate literary tradition of the Russian-European center: the Soviet “master plot.” Having graduated from universities in Moscow or Leningrad, the first generations of writers “(re)invented” a view of themselves as simultaneously native and Other. A consequence of the fact that the authors internalized the role of the youngest “brother” was, among others, the amalgamation of children's and adults' narrative and pedagogical zeal, which combined folklore ethics with socialist realist moralism. The study is of a transitional time: before the local authors had experienced a cardinal reevaluation of their values during perestroika and afterwards.

This paper explores household income per capita for the rural Yi and Manchu ethnic minority groups and the Han majority using data from the China Household Income Project 2002, 2013 and 2018. The disparity between total per capita income for the Yi and Han populations narrowed, while the average per capita income for the Manchu population remained relatively similar to that of the Han population. Decomposing total income to its sources shows that the rapid increase in agricultural income among the Yi was a main reason why the disparity in income, compared to the two other ethnic groups, narrowed. Nevertheless, reliance on agricultural income among the Yi was reduced as wage employment and migration increased. The Manchu group and the Han group also experienced rapid increases in wages and self-employment income. The aggregated value of transfers from the public sector was similar for all three ethnic groups.

Worldwide, there are limited data on the prevalence of postpartum anaemia and iron status. The aims of the present study were to assess the prevalence of anaemia and iron deficiency (ID) by three iron indicators 14 weeks postpartum, their relations to haemoglobin (Hb) and associations with ethnicity and clinical factors in a multi-ethnic population. We conducted a population-based cohort study of 573 women followed from early pregnancy. The prevalence of postpartum anaemia (Hb <12·0 g/dl) was 25 %. ID prevalence varied from 39 % by serum ferritin (SF <15 μg/l), to 19 % by soluble transferrin receptor (sTfR >4·4 mg/l) and 22 % by total body iron (TBI < 0 mg/kg). The mean Hb concentration was 12·8 g/dl in women with no ID, 12·6 g/dl in those with ID by SF only and 11·6 g/dl in those with ID by SF, sTfR and TBI. ID by sTfR and TBI defined by the current threshold values probably identified a more severe iron-deficient population compared with ID assessed by SF. Compared with Western Europeans, the prevalence of anaemia was at least the double in ethnic minorities (26–40 % v. 14 %; P < 0·01–0·05), and the prevalence of ID by sTfR and TBI, but not of ID by SF < 15 μg/l, was significantly higher in some minority groups. After adjustment for covariates, only South Asians had lower Hb and higher sTfR concentration. Insufficient iron intake, gestational anaemia or ID, and postpartum haemorrhage were associated with lower postpartum Hb concentration and poorer iron status.

This article analyzes phenomenon of “migrant schools” and “migrant classes” in schools that began to emerge in the 2010s in Siberian cities of Tomsk and Irkutsk. The study is based on 120 interviews with migrants and 36 express-interviews with parents of children from both local families and those that have migrated from Central Asia, as well as case studies of four schools in these two cities identified as “migrant” by local residents. Despite the ethnic diversity of these Siberian cities where most families themselves descend from migrants from other regions, the local population singles out new migrants from the countries of Central Asia as “others” in the urban space. While school administrations, teachers, and parents reproduce the narratives of tolerance and ethnic diversity, school segregation persists in these cities, manifested, among other things, in the emergence of “migrant” schools and “migrant classes” in schools. This study presents this segregation as an outcome of strategies pursued by school administrators and parents of both local and migrant children. In particular, creation of “migrant” classes in some schools is the school administrators’ response to the lack of adaptation programs for migrant children. I conclude that rather than assisting the socialization of migrant children, such schools reproduce their isolation from other pupils, limiting their ability to succeed in the future.

Regime change often exacerbates ethnic conflict. This article examines the curious case of Myanmar, where a 2021 military coup was met, on the surface, with broad-based resistance across a divided society. An important question that therefore arises is whether, below the surface, this unity also took a more positive form of national solidarity. Were deep ethnic cleavages intensified or alleviated by the 2021 coup? This question bears theoretical relevance for the study of ethnic conflict and has social relevance for a nation marked by a long history of civil war and a recent experience of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. The article engages in a systematic examination of 180 social media posts uploaded in Burmese by key opinion leaders both before and after the coup. A qualitative analysis of major positive and negative themes indicates a shift in attitudes. The quantitative analysis shows that ethnic relations, measured by a change in themes, ratings and virality, improved significantly in the immediate aftermath of Myanmar's 2021 coup.

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has placed massive socio-psychological, health, and economic burdens including deaths on countless lives; however, it has disproportionally impacted certain populations. Co-occurring Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) disparities and other underlying determinants have exacerbated the COVID-19 pandemic. This literature review sought to (1) examine literature focused on SDoH and COVID-19 outcomes ie, infectivity, hospitalization, and death rates among marginalized communities; and (2) identify SDoH disparities associated with COVID-19 outcomes. We searched electronic databases for studies published from October 2019 to October 2021. Studies that were selected were those intersecting SDoH indicators and COVID-19 outcomes and were conducted in the United States. Our review underscored the disproportionate vulnerabilities and adverse outcomes from COVID-19 that have impacted racial/ethnic minority communities and other disadvantaged groups (ie, senior citizens, and displaced/homeless individuals). COVID-19 outcomes were associated with SDoH indicators, ie, race/ethnicity, poverty, median income level, housing density, housing insecurity, health-care access, occupation, transportation/commuting patterns, education, air quality, food insecurity, old age, etc. Our review concluded with recommendations and a call to action to integrate SDoH indicators along with relevant health data when implementing intelligent solutions and intervention strategies to pandemic response/recovery among vulnerable populations.

Hong Kong (a special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China) is promoted as “Asia’s World City” due to its interconnectivity, East-meets-West geopolitical orientation, and composition of migrants from both Asian and non-Asian countries. Hong Kong-based scholars have suggested that Hong Kong’s policy towards the social inclusion of non-Chinese communities is ambiguous. For example, the Race Discrimination Ordinance (RDO) lacks an informative description of racial discrimination, which may lead to shortcomings in ethnic minority protections under the current social policy for integration (e.g., ethnic minorities’ experiences related to religious discrimination). Most of the non-White ethnic minority population of Hong Kong consists of low-income South Asians and Southeast Asians, with some ethnic groups (e.g., Nepalese) reported to reside in socially segregated districts. Furthermore, scholars have highlighted that current social policy in Hong Kong appears to be partially or completely different from Western-based approaches to multiculturalism, necessitating further examination to promote social inclusion. To fill this gap, this study explores the perspectives of Chinese and non-Chinese individuals regarding multiculturalism in Hong Kong. The study adopts a qualitative research design and includes interviews with twenty ethnically Chinese and non-Chinese teachers serving minorities in Hong Kong. Three themes emerge in this study: 1) a general understanding of multiculturalism as diverse cultural/ethnic backgrounds, mutual understanding and acceptance, and inclusive social harmony and social justice; 2) perceptions of Hong Kong-based multiculturalism and the perceived hierarchy of ethnic groups; and 3) the main differences between Western and Hong Kong-based multiculturalism, including more acceptance of diversity in the West and geographic location. In sum, this study provides recommendations to ensure a respectful and ethical inclusion of non-White ethnic minorities in Hong Kong, such as developing a tailor-made policy.

Although mental health (MH) services and psychological support are tailored to fit the MH needs of those requiring these services in the UK, underutilisation persists. Current evidence suggests that ethnic minorities underutilise MH services with culture implicated in this trend. However, there is limited evidence from systematic reviews integrating the findings of primary studies on the role of culture in MH service utilisation among ethnic minorities. This review aims to synthesise and summarise evidence on the role of culture in MH service utilisation among ethnic minorities in the UK. Two reviewers searched CINAHL, APA PsycINFO and Medline databases using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. Two other reviewers screened the abstracts and full text, while three conducted data extraction and assessed study quality using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme checklist for qualitative studies. One's culture was repeatedly identified to play a role in MH service utilisation among the ethnic minorities in the UK. The impact of cultural factors on service utilisation was through its effects on structure/institution, beliefs, stigma and perception of service. In addition, discrimination and other racism-related negative experiences during service use were found to inform perception and use of MH services. These findings suggest that MH services should be tailored to cultural differences to optimise service utilisation.