This chapter charts the processes by which deceptive sex came to be regarded as potentially constituting rape. Through tracing these developments, the chapter shows how doctrinal features of the law, such as the way consent and deception are thought to be related and the modes of deception punished by law, were important to this process. Yet the chapter also argues that to fully appreciate how and why the changes occurred, it is necessary to pay attention to the array of interests the law has sought to protect and how these have shaped the range of topics of deception that might ground a charge of rape. This argument leads to the conclusion that, in the context of deceptive sex, deception has not been considered wrongful because it invalidates or precludes consent, as is commonly thought; rather, deception has invalidated or precluded consent because it has sometimes been considered wrongful. The chapter ends by introducing some reasons why this insight is important to ongoing debates regarding the criminalisation of deceptive sex.

This chapter examines the law of nullity of marriage to consider how deception has affected the existence or validity of consent. It articulates important differences between void and voidable marriages, arguing that these speak to the public and private sides of marriage, respectively. It also showcases the range of deceptions that have been considered legally significant, situating these within the cultural framework outlined in Chapter 1. On top of this, the chapter argues that the range of qualifying deceptions has often been justified with reference to public policy or convention on the basis that the relevant information would typically be important to an intimate partner or that its disclosure would serve a collective interest or value. The chapter concludes by suggesting that changes in the law of nullity, and a small number of related areas of law, demonstrate that there is still a desire for legal recognition of the wrongs and harms associated with inducing intimate relationships, even as these have shifted over time.

This chapter examines the action of breach of promise of marriage to show its relationships with deception. It outlines how a broken promise of marriage, which could always imply deception regarding intention to keep the promise, attracted damages and highlights how known deception constituted an aggravation. The chapter also demonstrates how deception about certain features of oneself or one’s circumstances could justify a fiancé(e)’s decision to break a promise of marriage. Beyond these points, the chapter shows how conventions about relationships shaped the processes by which promises of marriage could be inferred or imputed, and it explores the links between actions of breach of promise of marriage and changing expectations of marriage, including the expectation that it should be based on real love. Through this process, the chapter offers an original argument about the decline of breach of promise at marriage which reveals its changing relationship to deception. The chapter concludes with some reflections on what actions of breach of promise suggest about the capacity of law to regulate promises and statements of future intention, as they relate to intimacy, in a contemporary context.

This chapter summarises the overarching narrative of this book and argues that as was as being intrinsically valuable it can inform contemporary debates about using law to regulate the practices of inducing intimacy. The discussion is organised around three sets of issues: the public and private dimensions of sex and intimate relationships, including the interests protected by law, the form of response (i.e., state or non-state), and the variety of legal response (i.e., public or private); the structure of legal responses, the meaning of consent and its relation to deception, targeted modes of deception, culpability matters, the requirement for a causal link between deception and ‘outcome’, and the temporalities of the legal wrong; and the substance of deceptions, including the dynamics governing the range of topics about which transparency has been expected. Drawing the discussion together, the chapter concludes by offering a new framework for constructing legal responses to deceptively induced intimacy, which builds on the core insight and these responses have historically been predicated on temporally sensitive associations between self-construction and intimacy.

Anthropologist Richard Leakey sent Jane Goodall to Gombe (now Gombe Stream National Park) to study chimpanzees in the wild. As an anthropologist, he was keenly interested in human behavior, and believed that chimpanzees would provide a window to understanding it. It took Goodall six months of crawling around in the woods before any chimpanzees would allow her to get close enough to observe them. But her persistence paid off, as she was able to document chimpanzees showing some very human behavior including tool making, cooperative hunting and war making. Partway through her career, she elected to devote the rest of her career to environmental activism and education, and Gombe research was continued by a growing community of researchers including her student, Anne Pusey. Pusey was fascinated by mother–infant relationships, by developmental changes in juveniles as they matured, and by how chimpanzees manage to avoid breeding with close relatives. Other researchers at Gombe studied the relationship between rank and reproductive success, and how disease was influencing survival rates in three different populations in the region. Unfortunately, life table studies indicate that disease and a lack of immigrants into the region are threatening the viability of this iconic group of chimpanzees.

Exploitative interactions can be understood in terms of their lethality and intimacy. Predators and parasitoids cause highest lethality, parasites and parasitoids have highest intimacy with their hosts, while grazers are low on both scales. Exploiters can regulate the populations of their hosts directly by killing or injuring them, or through nonconsumptive processes such as increasing their prey’s stress level and thereby reducing reproductive rates, as has been implicated for the snowshoe hare. Exploiters can also regulate community processes indirectly; for example bats and birds eat arthropods in the forest, which reduces leaf damage by herbivorous arthropods. Prey and hosts use constitutive defenses, such as thorns in plants, and large body size in Serengeti grazers, against exploiters. Some species have evolved induced defenses; for example some plants release toxic chemicals following herbivore attack. The outcomes of exploitative interactions can be predicted by the Lotka–Volterra predation model, which, in its most basic form, predicts that the relative abundance of predators and prey will cycle. A simple model of disease transmission can explain how disease spreads in host populations based on the ease of transmission, the amount of time the host is infectious, and the population size of the host. Both models make numerous simplifying assumptions. Ecologists can incorporate biological complexity into these models, which makes them more realistic, but also more difficult to understand and apply.

The goal of Chapter 5 is to examine emoji use across the healthcare landscape, as well as what implications related to emoji theories can be gleaned from such usage and how emoji use can be applied to training healthcare professionals more generally. Prominently discussed in the chapter are clinical studies that indicate emoji writing (between practitioners and patients) may actually enhance medical outcomes. Also highlighted is the empirically attested fact that emoji scales and models may be good gauges for assessing well-being. The overall conclusion that can be drawn from the studies is that emoji might affect patients positively. Emoji are not medical cures in themselves, needless to say; they are simple pictures that affect patients positively, much like humor. They may also counteract the so-called nocebo effect, defined as a detrimental effect on health produced by psychological or psychosomatic factors such as negative expectations of treatment or prognosis.

Amidst all of the ills that struck Antioch in the sixth century, the bubonic plague ranks high. This chapter addresses the actual entity of the pestilence, calling into question the reports in the ancient sources.

This chapter presents a new, annotated translation of the famous treatise Airs, Waters, and Places (c. late 5th century BC), attributed, perhaps incorrectly, to the medical writer Hippokrates of Kos. The treatise sets out a model of how environment and seasonal conditions promote specific physiological conditions in the human body, and assesses the relationship between nature and custom as determinants of the physiology, ethical character, and social organization of Asian peoples, focusing on a comparison between European and Asian Skythians. A final passage identifies the greater variability among Europeans. The chapter introduction suggests a nuanced view of the controversial closing pages of the work: the author does not consistently regard Europeans as superior, but–perhaps under the influence of Athenian power–emphasizes the importance of understanding political systems.

Disaster struck the Niger and the Congo expeditions alike, though it took somewhat different forms in each case. The Congo River’s cataracts and the region’s diseases posed the most serious obstacles to the latter expedition, though it also ran out of the trade goods needed to hire guides and porters. For the Niger expedition, the rapid reduction in the number of pack animals at its disposal created serious logistical problems, which were amplified by the power the ruler of Futa Jallon increasingly wielded over its operations. Although disease also contributed to the expedition’s difficulties, the most prominent factor in its failure was political; African authorities blocked its passage because they saw it as a threat to their religious, strategic, and economic interests. By contrast, the Congo expedition reassured Boma’s rulers about its intentions, easing its access to the river. Both expeditions’ experiences demonstrated that African polities and peoples shaped their outcomes in important ways.

Far from being deservedly neglected outliers, the Niger and Congo expeditions were in many respects emblematic of British efforts to explore Africa. The historical forces that did so much to shape the trajectories of the Niger and Congo expeditions—slavery and the slave trade, imperial rivalries with other European powers, and the roles of African states and communities—were a persistent feature of these efforts. Failure was a frequent outcome. The preoccupation with the Niger River and West Africa persisted through the first half of the century and the renewal of interest in the Congo River and Equatorial Africa toward the end of the century spurred the Scramble for Africa. The main throughline that runs from Mungo Park at the start of the century through the Niger and Congo expeditions to the many British explorers who trekked across Africa in the decades that followed was a shared sense of hubris.

I have met few adults who are happy with their own bodies, at least in Western societies. But even in non-Western societies, many people are unhappy with their bodies. The exact nature of this unhappiness varies, but what overwhelmingly dominates is the thought, whether objectively true or not, that they carry too much weight, and following that, the thought that they really should lose weight. I have met very few people who actively want to put on weight, and they have almost all been of athletic disposition, and the weight gain sought is usually (but not always) in terms of muscle. Some people are entirely ‘fat-phobic’ and not persuaded that some types of body fat might actually be good, healthy even. Many people don’t know that there are different types of fat deposit, and that some deposits of fatness carry limited or no negative health consequences – around the buttocks, hips and thighs, for example. Body fatness is a ‘hot potato’ issue for many people; I like hot potatoes.

Melancholy is an ‘epidemicall’ disease, Burton says, noting the multitude of causes which, along with human wickedness and inherent humoral imbalances, explain the extensive and increasing suffering he observes around him. His observations tell us little about seventeenth-century epidemiology, I argue. Moreover, the meanings accorded to seemingly familiar terms such as ‘disease’, ‘symptom’, and ‘epidemic’ rest on assumptions that leave them orthogonal to today’s standard etiological medical assumptions. Yet they find resonance within recent broad theorizing about the concept of disease, in public health emphases and alternative medicine, as well as in the larger health culture of our times.

The causes of ill health and death are changing and, as we live longer, new health-preventable problems emerge, bringing new challenges. Improving health (physical, mental or both) and promoting general well-being remain major priorities.

Just as important, the difference in health status between rich and poor continues to grow. At a global level, the picture is even more complex. Although there is some evidence that life expectancy is beginning to plateau in developed countries such as the UK, the biggest potential to improve health still lies in addressing inequality between or within countries.

Therefore, this chapter:

• summarizes the models of health improvement that are prevalent today;

• introduces a combined conceptual model to describe the factors affecting health in modern times; and

• presents some case studies of interventions designed to improve health which offer important insight and learning.

In the 1910s, human and animal populations all over the Lushai Hills were pounded by a chance series of calamities - environmental, financial, agricultural, and epidemiological - forever altering the social landscape. This chapter is about how people attempting to escape the crush of bamboo famine, debt, crop failure, and disease were set in motion across mountains. As traditional coping strategies were constrained by new political, economic, and environmental realities, shattered clan groups began to forge new survival mechanisms out of missionary medicine and Christianity itself. Shattered families, scattered clans, sickly refugees, and indebted labourers were dashed across mountainsides to become seekers of new powers as older survival mechanisms failed or were ruled out, regulated, or lost. Disasters reordered not only by catalyzing opportunities for spiritual searching, but also by remixing splintered clan groups of survivors - once disparate kin groups and communities that, according to contemporary upland cultural logics, were in dire need of communal healing, restoration, and reconciliation. Foregrounding local terminology in the telling of these pasts opens up causal explanations, interpretative pathways, and complexities otherwise obscured by using Western categories and frameworks alone, and points to the multiple meanings of the conversion process itself. Christianity advanced through catastrophe as shattered populations folded it back into the normal healing structures of upland life.