Modern peacekeeping is increasingly expansive, and much of it occurs in Africa. The African Union's attitude to the challenges of regulating this modern peacekeeping is therefore an important source for the associated legal debates, but one that is often neglected (in part because the sources are limited and often in draft form). This article seeks to articulate and then critique the AU's emerging view on the application of international humanitarian law and international human rights law to peacekeeping activity and the relationship between the two bodies of law in this context. It argues that the AU's emerging position treats international humanitarian law as a narrowed lex specialis, only displacing international human rights law in relation to peacekeepers while they are actively engaged in armed conflict. Even this position, however, underestimates the extent to which the pervasive rights-based concerns in AU sources imply a still more pervasive application of international human rights law to its peacekeeping activities.

This article reflects on the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan and the political tumult in which it has landed the country. In particular, it looks at the contentious provisions of article 101(r) and (s) of the constitution, which give the president powers to remove an elected state governor and appoint a new governor, upon the occurrence of a crisis whose nature is undefined in the constitution and remains intellectually inconceivable. The article argues that these provisions concentrate political power in the hands of president, to the extent that they undermine the development and maintenance of democracy and the rule of law in the country. In conclusion, it argues for the adoption of a democratic constitution and a federal system of government as the solution to the concentration of political power in Juba.

Urban and rural local authorities constitute the lowest tier of Zimbabwe's multilevel system of government. These local governments have a constitutional “right to govern” that must be exercised within the constitutional, legislative and policy framework. Under the old constitutional order, the national government could supervise urban local authorities, for example by issuing policy directives to ensure that these authorities governed in a manner that enabled them to deliver on national and local goals. This article examines this supervisory instrument, the powers it gives the national government, its use in practice and its relevance under the new constitutional order. The main argument is that supervisory instruments, such as the power to issue policy directives to local governments, are necessary in any multilevel system of government. However, such supervisory powers must be balanced with the need for local autonomy, to allow local governments to deliver on their service delivery obligations and development mandate.

Despite a constitutional right to water, challenges remain for access to sufficient water in South Africa. This article considers the degree to which current legal provisions perpetuate approaches that are antithetical to genuinely eco-socio-sustainable water access. Water in South Africa has largely been re-cast as a commodity, exposed to market rules, proving problematic for many and giving rise to various responses, including litigation. In the seminal case of Mazibuko, the Constitutional Court failed to provide robust protection to the right to water, providing impetus for the formation of “commons” strategies for water allocation. Indeed, “commoning” is beginning to represent not only an emerging conceptual strand in urban resource allocation, but also a dynamic, contemporary, eco-sensitive, socio-cultural phenomenon, driving innovative, interactive and inclusive forms of planning and social engagement. Against the backdrop of unequal water access, commoning offers glimpses of an empowering and enfranchising subaltern paradigm.

The recent global financial crisis has demonstrated the ineffectiveness of traditional regulation in averting financial crime. Consequently the supervision of financial institutions has been increasingly re-evaluated and such endeavours have resulted in the reregulation of the sector in many jurisdictions. This article argues that, much as these strategies can be said to be laudable, until they emphasize engagement with the people who work in those institutions through making it possible for them to report corporate misconduct, these legislative paradigms will not avail much. As such, this article argues for the increased use of insiders through whistleblowing as a mechanism to support the exposure of illegal activities. By comparing the whistleblowing approaches adopted in South Africa and Switzerland, this article attempts to contribute to the standardization of approaches that can be used to enhance global financial sector transparency and minimize financial crime.

It is usually assumed that there is sufficient legislation to regulate the Nigerian business community and combat corporate irresponsibility and that the challenge lies in lackadaisical enforcement by regulators. This article queries this assumption and analyses the corporate social responsibility (CSR) regulatory landscape in corporate Nigeria. It depicts a bleak picture of weak regulation, faulty legal transplantation of foreign principles, a lackadaisical attitude to enforcement, double operational standards from multinational enterprises, and incoherence and policy disparity between CSR regulatory provisions in primary legislation on the one hand and their subsidiary laws on the other. It argues that the challenge lies in faulty and disjointed legislation grossly undermined by fallacious legal transplantation. The article concludes by offering an agenda for the harmonization of the disjointed CSR framework in highlighted primary and subsidiary legislation, in line with best international standards.

In response to the inability of micro, small and medium scale enterprises (MSMEs) to access credit to finance their business operations, the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria passed the Central Bank of Nigeria (Registration of Security Interests in Movable Property by Banks and Other Financial Institutions in Nigeria) Regulations, No 1, 2015. The purport of this regulation is, among other things, to ensure that MSMEs can use items of personal property to create security. This article critically examines the regulation in the light of the building blocks of article 9 of the US Uniform Commercial Code, which is not only a paradigmatic piece of legislation but appears to be the model on which the Nigerian regulation is based. This critical examination leads the authors to conclude that, although the regulation represents the first steps to reform, much more remains to be done to ensure effectiveness.