Portant sur une affaire relative aux droits des couples non mariés qui agite le Québec depuis 2009, cet article compare son traitement par les tribunaux, l’expertise académique et la presse. S’inspirant du cadre d’analyse de la « forme affaire », il étudie le processus par lequel ce conflit privé hors-normes devient un problème public, mobilisant une rhétorique des droits, en l’occurrence celui des couples non mariés à être traités également aux couples mariés. Son analyse discute les travaux sur la « politique des droits », en interrogeant les conditions de succès des stratégies judiciaires pour la réduction des inégalités, dans un contexte où la mise à l’agenda échappe en large part aux mouvements sociaux, en particulier féministes. Les luttes définitionnelles entre les fractions des élites issues des trois espaces sociaux étudiés construisent de nouveaux cadres cognitifs et moraux d’appréhension des droits des conjoints de fait, rendant pensable le changement social.

This is a 'will-in-context' study of a Toronto bequest of the 1880s that shows how a testator's ideological commitment to freedom of willing and his retention of high-powered legal talent to actualize that commitment were derailed by a hapless or avaricious executor, unpredictable real-estate markets, a lethargic court, and eccentric beneficiaries. It also suggests that self-made private law like contracts, trusts, and wills may be as doctrinally, textually, or administratively contradictory, indeterminate, or unpredictable as state-made public or regulatory law has often been shown to be.

Based on a small qualitative study of three religious freedom cases, this article uses litigant narratives as springboards for reflection on the theme of inclusion in the Canadian political community. The article attends to the affective dimension of inclusion, focusing on whether participants felt included or excluded. Successful litigants told narratives of Canada as a country in which they could be included in public life without forgoing their religious practices. The narratives of unsuccessful litigants were more complex. These particular litigants did not have a desire to participate in public practices and institutions. Rather, their narratives understood religious freedom on a contractual basis, portraying their loss in court as a breach of covenant. Moreover, though these narratives contained themes of rejection and exclusion, participants said that they had faith enough in their eventual success that they would stay in Canada rather than emigrate.

Threats of radicalization have become dominant tropes for Western security agencies. This article examines efforts to address radicalization in the penal setting. Examining the prison counter-radicalization project directed by the secretive G8 Roma-Lyon Group, the article details Canadian participation on the basis of wanting to acquire counter-radicalization best practices from abroad. Contributing to criminal justice policy transfer studies, the article highlights disjunctures between reforms programs driven by powerful actors and particular contexts where these prescribed policy reforms take shape. Characterizing the Roma-Lyon Group as a venue for norm-makers such as the United States and the United Kingdom, and Canada as a norm-taker, the article traces the transfer of counter-radicalization practices from the transnational to the national level. Underlining how the replication of counter-radicalization policies fits into trends of precautionary risk and governing through insecurity, the article concludes by highlighting what the transfer of prisoner radicalization policy means for future socio-legal research.

This paper tells the story of how full-service restaurant work is organized in such a way that sexualized interactions between customers and women working as servers, bartenders, and hostesses become enmeshed in the labour process. Key to this organization is how law contributes to making restaurant work precarious. With the unique gendered wage-tip relation, a relation legitimized and reinforced through lower minimum wage regulations for alcohol servers, workers rely on customers for tips. This fuels a relationship of unequal power that leaves workers vulnerable to sexual harassment and sexualized interactions with customers as the price to be paid for a tip—a form of institutionalized quid pro quo. Moreover, power relations become intensified in a work environment where employee schedules, duration of shifts, the regulation of tips, and overall income are insecure and unpredictable—all of these characteristics are attributable, in large part, to shortcomings of employment standards legislation in British Columbia.

The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, we identify the qualities of good justice in Switzerland, as defined by the various actors who form the tribunal in a broad sense (judges, court managers, lawyers, journalists, politicians). Second, we verify if these qualities are compatible with the values conveyed by the managerial universe (NPM). Finally, we evaluate how they coexist (hybridization, dominance over each other, etc.). To do this, we analysed a series of semi-structured interviews (56) conducted in tribunals of first and second instance in civil, administrative, and criminal courts in the three linguistic regions of the country. The results show that the groups of actors interviewed have relatively similar expectations that do not seem to be incompatible with those of the managerial world. However, when describing good justice, the participants refer more frequently to concepts related to the commercial than the industrial world, contrary to other Swiss public servants but in line with those of Quebec, as uncovered by former studies. The article opens up the path to further research whose objective will be to test those conclusions.

This article interrogates the laws that govern safety crimes, harmful but typically unintentional acts of negligence that occur in the production of goods and services. Acts that injure employees at work are commonly depicted in legal discourses as accidents and penalized through administrative laws, although other negligent acts such as driving offences causing injury or death are treated as potentially criminal events. Through a discourse analysis of legal and regulatory texts and documents, the authors argue that the constitution of workplace safety crime is rooted in complex historical factors that shape state responses to corporate wrongdoing. This article documents the roots of this “common sense” view of workplace crime, empirically focusing on Canadian corporate negligence law, and concludes with tentative strategies of resistance and change.

Since the 1960s, public consultation has emerged as an important democratic tool, allowing governments to inform, debate, and learn from the general public. Since the 1980s, international trade agreements have wielded significant influence over domestic law making, as an ever more ‘comprehensive’ set of topics is regulated via treaty. In Canada, these two trends have yet to meet. Neither the public nor Parliament is involved in trade policy making, raising concerns about the democratic legitimacy of expansive trade agreements. Through the lens of the recent Canada and European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), this article examines whether trade law’s consultation practices can be aligned with those of other federal government departments. We identify five key values that make consultations successful—diversity, education, commitment, accountability, and transparency—and consider the viability of their inclusion in trade consultations.