A legendary figure in Maya archaeology, Edwin M. Shook, passed away at his home in Antigua, Guatemala, on March 9, 2000. Ed was one of the most prodigiously active figures in Mesoamerican archaeology during the twentieth century and may well have worked at more archaeological sites than any other Mesoamerican scholar. His career spanned more than 60 years and included associations with luminaries such as Alfred V. Kidder, Sylvanus Morley, Tatiana Proskouriakoff, Ledyard Smith, and Gustavo Stromsvik, to name just a few. In addition to his many outstanding contributions as a scholar, Ed will be remembered for his generosity and friendship. He was a friend and mentor to many generations of Mesoamerican field workers in archaeology, ethnography, and the natural sciences. No one fortunate enough to have spent an evening in his company will forget his enthralling stories of adventure, exploration, and discovery.

To understand better the significance of the Olmec style and its implications for Early Formative interregional interaction within Mesoamerica, one particular type of artifact—the hollow figurine—is examined. A definition of the Olmec style is provided based on Gulf Coast monumental art. One of several contemporaneous hollow-figurine types—“hollow babies” (Group 1)—is consistent with a Gulf Coast–based definition of the Olmec style. Fragments of Group 1 hollow figurines from across Mesoamerica are examined, revealing concentrations at a Gulf Coast center and, to a lesser extent, sites in southern Mexico. Rather than the primarily funerary function previously suggested for these objects, contextual data suggest multivalent meanings and functions. Group 2 figurines are related but different; variation appears in both the distribution of Group 2 fragments across Mesoamerica and their use. Available evidence suggests limited access to hollow figurines of both groups compared with contemporaneous solid figurines. A previous assertion that “hollow babies” were primarily produced and consumed in Central Mexico is rejected, and the significance of the differences among these hollow-figurine types is considered.

This paper analyses the imagery on two different Zapotec ceramic forms: an open-ended cylinder and an effigy vessel, both from the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto. In this study, I propose that the figures on these objects represent impersonators of the Zapotec storm god Cocijo. The impersonators would probably have been rulers playing the role of this god and are carrying out a ritual associated with the agricultural cycle of corn. A comparative method that combines historical archaeology, ethnography, and iconographic analysis reveals clues to the function and significance of the vessels. The study leads to the conjecture that these objects were used in connection with blood offerings during corn-harvest rituals. These conclusions address the nature of ancient Zapotec religion and cosmology and provide evidence that the Zapotec performed rain and fertility rituals associated with the corn harvest similar to those of other cultural groups in Mesoamerica.

In this article, we examine the traditional classificatory terms of cache and burial as they are used in Lowland Maya archaeology and argue that, rather than forming mutually exclusive categories, these ritual deposits are members of a continuum. After discussing the intertwined concepts of dedication and termination and the cosmology of caches, we summarize burgeoning evidence that not all deposits classified as caches are votive offerings. We also discuss the role played by household refuse in ritual contexts. We then describe the investigation of a pit excavated into bedrock beneath a residential structure at the Maya site of La Caldera, in northwestern Belize. Our interpretation of the ritual importance of the pit is based on a series of behaviors that activated, terminated, and then reactivated the ritual pathway defined by the feature. We suggest that this behavioral approach to special deposits is more compelling than attempts to classify the material traces of ritual actions according to narrowly defined terms.

Rubber had important utilitarian, symbolic, and ritual roles in ancient Mesoamerica. Among the latter is the use of rubber balls as burnt offerings. This paper examines characteristic iconographic manifestations of rubber-ball offerings in Mesoamerican art. One of these, the spiral, seen in the Postclassic Maya codices, is shown to have had greater temporal and geographic distribution than previously thought. Another is the Standard Rubber Offering, a widespread motif in Mesoamerican art that links rubber balls to feathers and rope bindings. In considering why rubber balls were shown bound in rope, the paper examines the physical properties of natural rubber. Understanding the iconographic nuances of rubber balls as ritual offerings sheds new light on the symbolism of rubber balls in ballgame scenes and allows identification of certain images as rubber balls that were previously unrecognized.

In this paper, we analyze the distribution of Late Postclassic (A.D. 1250–1500) architecture and associated artifacts of the Maya site of Caye Coco, Belize. Artifact density and distribution suggest that different buildings served different functions and reflect a range of domestic and non-domestic activities at the island. An assessment of the labor investment required to build the seventeen structures at Caye Coco provides evidence of the degree of social hierarchy at this site, as many more people would have been required to build its elite residences than could have lived in them. The shift in the focus of architectural construction to the island at Progresso Lagoon in the Late Postclassic contrasts with the predominance of construction on the west shore during the Terminal Classic period. This trend reflects the emergence of a new political center among the lagoon settlements. It also may suggest an increased concern with aquatic transportation of trade goods during the Postclassic period, as Caye Coco is the most prominent island of the lagoon, which connects directly to the Caribbean Sea. The architecture at Caye Coco suggests that Late Postclassic political organization of northeastern Belize was more hierarchical than has been previously documented. This paper is the first systematic effort to quantify architectural labor investment and size distribution at a southern lowland Postclassic Maya site in order to address the issue of sociopolitical hierarchy.

This article presents the chronological framework used to reconstruct the political history of the ancient Lowland Maya site of Xunantunich in the upper Belize River valley. Extensive excavations from 1991 to 1997 by the Xunantunich Archaeological Project produced the ceramic, architectural, and epigraphic data needed to place the site within a temporal context. Refinement of the Barton Ramie ceramic chronology was the first step toward clarifying the Xunantunich chronology. Seriation of well-known Spanish Lookout types and modes from stratified deposits established a framework for understanding Late and Terminal Classic assemblages. Twenty-two radiocarbon samples place these ceramic complexes in absolute time. Obsidian hydration and masonry techniques were found to be less reliable chronological markers. The results indicate that Xunantunich emerged as a regional center during the Samal (A.D. 600–670) and Hats' Chaak (A.D. 670–780) phases of the Late Classic period. Arguably, this rapid growth and florescence was initiated under the auspices of nearby Naranjo. Although the polity achieved political autonomy in the following Tsak' phase (A.D. 780–890) of the Terminal Classic period, civic construction diminished and rural populations declined until the site collapsed sometime during the late ninth or early tenth century.

This study of saltmaking in coastal Michoacan underscores the value of ethnoarchaeology as a tool for assessing ancient saltmaking activities. Common salt (sodium chloride) was a strategic resource of great importance for Mesoamerica during pre-Hispanic and Colonial times. This study deals with salt production in La Placita and neighboring areas of coastal Michoacan and Colima, in western Mexico. The primary goals are to document traditional saltmaking techniques—in particular, the material culture, organization of work, ecological setting, and levels of production observed in the study area, as well as the importance of salt manufacture and trade for the area's economy and culture over time. Ethnographic observations together with ethnohistorical and archaeological data shed light on the pre-Hispanic production, use, and commerce of salt in the coastal area of Michoacan, one of the least studied regions in Mesoamerica. There are three types of sites in the study area: (1) sites where salt is currently being produced; (2) abandoned sites where salt production was carried out until some fifty years ago; and (3) archaeological sites where salt may have been produced and/or distributed in ancient times. The material evidence of salt production consists of: (1) terreros, or mounds of leached soil; (2) eras, or solar evaporation pans; and (3) specialized pottery types. Finally, this paper uses archaeological and historical evidence, as well as oral traditions, to discuss ancient salt exchange and trade networks.

Discriminant functions were developed using long-bone robusticity measurements of 82 individuals from the protohistoric Maya site of Tipu, Belize. All individuals were sexed using nonmetric morphological indicators, particularly those of the pelvis. These functions are designed to provide a means of determining the sex of fragmentary prehistoric Maya skeletons. The equations ranged in accuracy from 77.5% to 100%. The reliability of these equations was tested using a jackknife method on the Tipu sample and by applying the equations to small samples of prehistoric skeletons from the sites of Seibal, KOB Swamp, Laguna de On, and Chau Hiix. The vast majority of the equations applied to the test cases succeeded in correctly estimating the sex based on pelvic and cranial features. A more reliable technique for sex determination of poorly preserved skeletal remains will allow a whole new range of archaeological and bioanthropological hypotheses concerning sex and gender among the ancient Maya to be investigated and considered.

Adrián Recinos's correlation of Kaqchikel Maya and Spanish dates in the Annals of the Kaqchikels contains numerous errors, and there are several scribal and calculation errors in how both the 260-day and 400-day Kaqchikel Maya calendars were used within the manuscript. These are dating problems that stem from errors by the scribes in their attempt to adapt to a European counting and documentation system and their inexperience with the Kaqchikel Maya calendars. In addition, unique citation marks and two scribal errors shed light on the existence of earlier documents and subsequent effects on the later time counts of the Kaqchikel Maya calendar system. This paper adjusts the previous correlation by Recinos and extends it from 1570 until 1603. Moreover, by highlighting and correcting the internal errors, this paper offers a caveat to scholars when reconstructing the histories, events, and social relations of past Mesoamerican peoples and scripts without regard for internal errors.

In this issue's Special Section we present the first of a two-part series on studies of ancient climate change in the Maya area. Since the time of Ellsworth Huntington (1917, 1924) and Karl Sapper (1931), Mesoamericanists and Mayanists in particular have been aware of the possibility that climate change played a role in the fortunes of ancient Maya civilization.

In this issue's Special Section we offer the second part of a group of studies dealing with the impact of climate change on ancient Maya civilization. As mentioned in the Introduction to the first part (Fowler 2002), Mayanists have been aware of the possible effects of climatic factors on Maya culture since the early decades of last century. At first, comments on the effects of climate change in the Maya area were largely speculative. By the 1980s such work became increasingly compelling and sophisticated, including correlations of worldwide glacial, palynological, and other climatological data, as reflected in several publications (Dahlin 1983; Folan et al. 1983; Gunn and Adams 1981). Soon after, Lewis Messenger provided a broad global correlation with specific reference to archaeological sequences in Mesoamerica and the Maya area (Messenger 1990). Perhaps it would be fair to say that Maya paleoclimatological studies may have peaked with the massive work of Richardson Gill (2000), which has attracted much critical attention. David Webster (2002:241–247), for example, praises the book for its directness and clarity of purpose but expresses skepticism about the climatological bias and stresses that much more research is needed.

The series of papers on climate change published in this issue are the result of the symposium “Environmental Change in Mesoamerica: Physical Forces and Cultural Paradigms in the Preclassic to Postclassic,” held at the 63rd Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in March 2000 in Philadelphia. The authors bring their expertise in paleoclimatological studies to bear on the Maya Lowlands and Highlands from the beginning of the Holocene to the Postclassic and modern times. The studies reveal that climate has changed during the past 4,000 years to a considerable degree that correlates in a reasonable way with archaeological periodizations. Several climate-change models are presented as an effort to understand better past cultural and natural events.

Pollen and charcoal analysis of a 5.3-m sediment core from Aguada Petapilla, a peat bog, provides evidence of late Holocene vegetation and fire history in the Copan Valley, Honduras. Low concentration and preservation problems characterized the pollen flora, but there are taxa present indicative of major agricultural trends, including Zea mays. Microscopic charcoal fragments are well represented and record continued burning in the region since the lowest level of the core (5700 B.P. [3750 B.C.]). Presence of Zea indicates that maize farming was initiated by as early as 2300 B.C. Three peaks in charcoal-fragment frequencies occur in periods centered approximately at 900 B.C., 400 B.C., and A.D. 600. Fires in this relatively dry region of the southern Maya Lowlands (whose mean annual rainfall is about 1,400 mm) could have resulted from natural forest fires or human agricultural clearing at any time in the Holocene. This contrasts with wetter areas of tropical Central and South America (mean annual rainfall of about 2,500–4,000 mm) where significant climatic drying is required to ignite primary tropical forest.

Archaeological and ecological investigations in the Mirador Basin of northern Guatemala have recovered archaeological, phytolith, palynological, and pedological data relevant to the early occupation and development of Maya civilization in a specific environmental matrix. Fluctuation in vegetation types as evident in cores and archaeological profiles suggest that the seasonally wet, forested bajo environment currently found in the northern Peten was anciently more of a perennially wet marsh system that may have been heavily used and influenced by large Preclassic occupations. Data suggest that climatic and environmental factors correspond with the cultural process in the Mirador Basin, and research in progress is oriented to further elucidating these issues.

Palynology provides a record of past environmental change in the Maya Lowlands. The underlying principles are simple, but, as with all proxies, there are limitations. During the late glacial period, environmental change was governed by climate, which was cooler and much drier and supported sparse temperate vegetation. The early Holocene epoch was warmer and very wet in the southern Lowlands when mesic tropical forests predominated, while the northern Yucatan Peninsula was edaphically dry until eustatic sea level rose. The modern distributions of plant associations and climatic gradients were established at the end of the early Holocene. Climatic variability continued throughout the Holocene. However, the ability of palynology to identify climatic events is hindered after the Maya became numerous in the Lowlands. Then, multidisciplinary studies provide a better interpretation of events, especially during the late Holocene. Pollen records poorly reflect cyclical droughts seen in isotopic records, as natural vegetation has adapted to these fluctuations.

During the years 2000 and 2001, a project was carried out to determine the paleoclimate in the Valley of Guatemala. There were two main objectives: (1) to compare and contrast the Highland data with that already obtained from the Maya Lowlands and the Caribbean region; and (2) to understand the relationship between climate and the disappearance of lakes and irrigated agriculture at the archaeological site of Kaminaljuyu in the Valley of Guatemala. Sediment cores have been recovered from Lake Amatitlan and the extinct Lake Miraflores associated with Kaminaljuyu. The samples have been transported to the United States for radiocarbon dating and for analysis of microfossils and pollen content. The paper summarizes the work and the results of the analysis obtained to the present.

Maya Lowlands climate researchers have set aside earlier beliefs that Maya civilization flourished in an unchanging environment. Analyses of river discharge, weather patterns, lake-bottom sediments, and settlement patterns reveal a highly variable climate, considerable diversity in local geology and soils, and a wide range of cultural adaptations tailored to distinctive subregional settings. Significant knowledge gaps remain. Among the unanswered questions is how cities in the elevated interior were maintained without natural, permanent bodies of water even during equitable climatic conditions, much less through the episodes of severe drought that have become apparent in studies of past climates. The research reported in this article lays the groundwork for climate studies in the southwestern Yucatan Peninsula.

La región del río Candelaria se vio en varias ocasiones afectada por los cambios climáticos. Los niveles del río variaron en el transcurso de los siglos significativamente y esto afectó a los chontales de Acalan que vivieron a filo del agua para bien o para mal, ya que su vida giraba alrededor de ella. Sus casas, campos de cultivo y ciudades fueron afectadas por los niveles que alcanzó el río. Las evidencias paleoecológicas conocidas todavía son escasas y los comentarios que se hacen son tentativos, sin embargo, por ser una región de ríos, lagunas y pantanos se sabe que estuvo sometida a momentos críticos y problemáticos, que de alguna manera queda reflejada en la ocupación prehispánica de la región.

Much has been learned from the basin of the Candelaria River, Campeche, Mexico: the fabric of a densely settled pre-Historic landscape, including impressive ceremonial centers; the logistics of an ancient entrepôt; the process of exploitation of dyewood and chicle in historic times; as well as the doubtful results of the mid-twentieth-century colonization of an “empty” forested basin. It also yielded the first evidence of more or less intensive pre-Hispanic wetland agriculture in the Maya region and the remains of a profuse network of fluvial transportation from prehistoric times to the present. This article presents recent evidence regarding the management of the river system itself by means of barriers, or “dams,” which facilitated agriculture in the wetlands upstream and extensive canoe travel. These structures seem to be elaborations or imitations of the numerous natural barriers already in the stream. Two models help explain context and function. It has become apparent that the human interventions into the wetlands and the river system are to be seen less as great attainments of civilization than as fairly desperate expedients in the face of climate change.