In the first months of 1948, Italy witnessed one of the fiercest electoral campaigns in its history, which saw the mobilisation of all sectors of society and the involvement of numerous international actors. In the end, the Christian Democrats and their political allies gained the majority of the votes at the first post-war general elections of 18 April 1948, thus officially inaugurating the history of the new Italian Republic.

Italian colonialism in Africa has for some time been a largely neglected subject of study. The signing of the Paris Treaty of 1947, which deprived the country of its colonies, did not lead to critical debates, in Italy, around the issue. On the contrary, the post-war political elites continued to demand the restitution of those colonies, in continuity with previous regimes. The hagiographic and mythic image of colonialism that had been created by liberal and Fascist propaganda remained alive in Italian culture and society. This article analyses the continuities and ruptures in the treatment of colonial history offered by post-war high school history textbooks. Traditional discourses and imagery marked the way in which textbooks examined the nation's colonial past, distorting the reality of the past and contributing to the creation of a sense of innocence with regard to the Italian presence in Africa.

This article suggests some new interpretations of the significance of the general elections of 18 April 1948 by examining the prosecution of Italian ex-partisans in the Republican era. A reappraisal of those trials – which took place from the summer of 1945 to the early 1950s – is offered through examination of the documents of the National Committee of Democratic Solidarity, set up after the assassination attempt on Communist Party leader Palmiro Togliatti on 14 July 1948, and the sentences of the Corti d'Assise (High Courts) and Military Tribunals. The papers of both Umberto Terracini and Lelio Basso, promoters of the Pro-partisans Defence Committee, show how judicial repression had its roots not only in the failed purge of former Fascists from the judicial system, which was unsuccessful because of a desire for continuity within the bureaucratic apparatus of the State, but most of all thanks to the ideological position and anti-communist policies of the political elites of that period.

This article addresses a rather neglected aspect of Salvemini's prolific political output. Based on records collected in the Salvemini Archive at the Istituto Storico della Resistenza in Florence, this article examines Salvemini's perspective on the 1948 elections in Italy, through an analysis of his public writings and private correspondence. It considers the decisive impact that exile to the US and the academic environment of Harvard had on Salvemini's conception of democracy and politics, by making him an outsider in post-war Italy, a country polarised into the two competing ideological factions of the Communists and the Christian Democrats. Salvemini's fiercely independent spirit led him to criticise the Allies’ plans for post-war Italy and the American intervention in the 1948 elections under the auspices of the Cold War. Through an understanding of Salvemini's thought, this essay tries to offer a deeper analysis of the meaning of the 1948 elections as a watershed in the history of Italy.

With the elections of 18 April 1948, for Italian Communists the prospect of coming to power in the short term vanished. In the aftermath of the elections, the sustained confrontation of the Cold War at the international level and the unfavourable political context in Italy deeply shaped the tone and content of the Communist press, including the educational magazines for young militants. This article deals with the representations of the political enemies in the press for young Communists between 18 April 1948 and the electoral campaign against the legge truffa in 1953. Attention is paid to how the Communist press portrayed, in particular by visual means, the different subjects that made up the ruling anti-Communist bloc: the US government; Christian Democrats; the Catholic Church; and, finally, the Italian business world. In particular, the analysis underlines the relevance that a ‘nation-’ and ‘gender-’ related discourse had in the construction of political enemies.

American intervention in the 1948 Italian national election campaign has long been a source of contention. Most scholarship has assessed the Truman administration's activities in binary terms that revolve on simplistic notions of ‘success’; the idea that American efforts did or did not affect the outcome. The subsequent tendency has been to celebrate or critique US intervention. This article traces the difficulties experienced by the American government in post-war Italy, which laid the platform for an improvised effort in support of non-communist forces. The mobilisation was neither unified nor coherent and, moreover, was influenced by Italians. The final result nevertheless masked problems with the campaign. Rather than a normative critique of American efforts, this article argues that the outcome fostered a ‘perception of success’ that reframed US conceptualisation of the post-war Italian case and considers the wider ramifications of this mind-frame for future US–Italian relations and broader American approaches in the Cold War.

This article is an analysis of a long union dispute between the workers and the management of the Società Mineraria del Valdarno (S.M.V.), a company which had mining rights in the lignite basin of Castelnuovo dei Sabbioni, in the municipality of Cavriglia. Cavriglia is in a ‘red zone’ in the province of Arezzo, in central Tuscany and the dispute raged on from the end of 1947 to the first half of the 1950s. The article focuses primarily on two aspects: (1) how the union dispute of the miners of Valdarno fits into the broader political strategy of the Italian Communist Party (PCI); (2) how this struggle was perceived and elaborated by workers and incorporated into the collective memory of local communities.