It is well-established that as people age, deterioration in cognitive abilities including processing speed, memory, and cognitive flexibility occurs, although vast individual differences occur in the rate and consequences of this decline (Christensen, 2001). Anxiety and depression in late life are also associated with specific cognitive deficits in memory and executive functioning that may impact on new learning (Yochim et al., 2013). Therefore, it is possible that cognitive changes make it more difficult for older adults to learn how to change their thinking particularly in the context of psychological therapy.

Two papers recently published in IPG point toward decreasing rates of cognitive decline and dementia in high-income countries. (Dodge et al., 2016; Kosteniuk et al., 2016). These reports join the ranks of a growing body of literature on generational trends, or more, specifically, “cohort effects,” in aging, cognitive decline, and dementia.

Since 2014, the year in which International Psychogeriatrics celebrated 25 years of existence, International Psychogeriatrics has featured a “paper of the month” (POM) category. Chosen by the editorial team which ranks available new International Psychogeriatrics manuscripts from the categories “original research articles” and “reviews,” a POM is identified representing high scientific quality and clinical relevance. Each POM is accompanied by a short commentary highlighting its findings and relevance. For the year 2016 this resulted in twelve papers of the month of which nine were original research articles and three were systematic reviews or meta-analyses.

In this editorial, we challenge the current understanding of “Living Well with Dementia.” Such discourse introduces the possibility of not living well with the condition or even of “living badly with dementia.” Numerous words might be relevant here – grief, pain, anguish, depression – but in this editorial we consciously use the word “suffering.” This term is used for two reasons; one, because it captures the attributes of other more limited words, and, two because the language of “suffering” is contentious, making it suitable for debate. We speak of suffering, not to deny the positive aspects of life with dementia or to concentrate just on the negative, but to redress the balance that is disturbed by a relentlessly positive view of living with the condition. Our aim is to promote a more realistic understanding of the dementia experience, one based on actualities and evidence rather than presumption and sentiment.

Dementia is a neurodegenerative disorder with global impact, with the largest proportion of cases occurring in low- and middle-income countries. It is estimated that there are 46.8 million cases globally with approximately 10 million new cases each year or a new case occurring every 3 sec (Prince et al., 2015). For comparison there are 36.7 million HIV cases with an estimated 2 million new cases each year (WHO, 2017). The rise in dementia prevalence is largely due to population ageing, with the oldest being at highest risk. To date there are no diseases modifying medications for Alzheimer's disease or the other causes of dementia. Academics and research groups are increasingly focused on prevention or delay of dementia (Brayne and Miller, 2017) and a number of organizations now prioritize dementia, indicating a strong and coherent international effort to address this problem. Examples include the World Health Organisation (WHO), which has established a Global Dementia Observatory; the World Dementia Council; the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD); the U.S. National Alzheimer's Project Act (NAPA); and the Global Council on Brain Health.

There is no doubt that family carers who look after a family member with dementia or with a functional mental illness fulfill an important role, not only for their loved one, but also for the health and aged care systems of the countries they live in. Due to increasing life expectancy, but also improved healthcare the number of family carers supporting older care recipients with functional mental illness or dementia is on the rise. While the carer role often can offer rewarding experiences caregivers are at increased risk of stress, depression, sleep problems, and often experience poor health outcomes with increased morbidity and mortality (Oyebode, 2003). Next to the stressors directly associated with the carer role, they often do not have the time to engage in healthy behavior to protect their physical, mental, and cognitive health (Loi et al., 2014). There is a wealth of literature providing evidence about effective strategies to support carers and the recent Lancet Commission on Dementia prevention, intervention, and care highlighted the importance of exploring how the use of technological innovations could support carers better (Livingston et al., 2017). The use of modern technology in this context can mean a variety of approaches, such as internet-based programs to provide education and skill-building, virtual support to assist with monitoring and managing challenging behavior, online support groups, and the use of assistive or therapeutic technology to improve safety, enable positive activities, and support communication between carer and care recipient, to name just a few (D'Onofrio et al., 2017; Ienca et al., 2017; Livingston et al., 2017). More specifically, telehealth approaches via videoconferences have the potential to better support carers who live in rural or remote regions (O'Connell et al., 2014) or who cannot attend face-to-face support programs for other reasons such as inability to leave the care recipient alone at home, being a multiple carer or having a disability themselves to give just some examples.

The propensity score (PS) weighting method is an analytic technique that has been applied in multiple fields for a number of purposes. Here, we discuss two common applications, which are (1) to correct for selection bias and (2) to adjust for confounding variables when estimating the effect of an exposure variable on the outcome of interest.

Wisdom is derived (in modern language terms) from the Old English words wis (“of a certainty, for certain”; “Wisdom,” 2015) and dóm (“statute, judgment, jurisdiction”; “Wisdom,” 2015); wisdom is, at its broadest, defined as the “Capacity of judging rightly in matters relating to life and conduct; soundness of judgement in the choice of means and ends; sometimes less strictly, sound sense, esp. in practical affairs” (“Wisdom,” 2015). As a concept, wisdom has been acknowledged within our history since the time of the Sumerians (and estimated to have originated in around 2,500 BCE). However, in modern times, the relevance of the traditional wise person is less clear. Nonetheless, wisdom research has been on the rise since it emerged as a focus of researchers in the 1970’s, and a part of that research focus has been to explore the significance of wisdom and its relevance in the current day (particularly with regards to how it is measured across cultures).

In 1969, Butler (1969) first coined the term “ageism” to confront “prejudice by one age group toward other age groups” (pp. 243). As with other “isms,” such as racism and sexism, ageism leads to bigotry and discrimination, though it is a very distinct beast in that, for the most part, other “isms” refer to those different from ourselves: distinct, mutually exclusive, and impervious groups. Conversely, age is a fluid social construct in which we are all intimately bound as we move through the lifespan, transitioning in and out of different age-groups. Unlike other “isms,” individuals negotiate shifts from the “in-group” of youth to the “out-group” of old age. Yet we are all immersed, largely unconsciously, in this ubiquitous but too often unrecognized “ism” that needs to be named and challenged.

Dementia is now the leading cause of admission to residential aged care facilities (RACF) in the developed world (Van Rensbergen and Nawrot, 2010), with prevalence rates among residents estimated to be approximately 70% (Zimmerman et al., 2014). In addition, dementia is now the 4th leading cause of death in high-income countries with this expected to rise to the 3rd leading cause of death by 2030 (World health Organization, 2015). Despite the prevalence of the condition, the amount of teaching time devoted to dementia in medical school curricula remains low and does not adequately prepare graduates for their work as doctors (Tullo and Allan, 2011; Tullo and Gordon, 2013). As a consequence, many general practitioners feel their level of confidence in managing behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia (BPSD) is very low (Buhagiar et al., 2011).

For the many clinicians au fait with the history of the clinical description of Parkinson's disease, they will be aware that the very earliest description of James Parkinson's “Shaking Palsy” in 1817 explicitly excluded the involvement of cognitive and emotional processes as manifestations of the disease. Within a short time following his treatise, it became all too clear to those in the field that Parkinson's disease is more than just a motor disorder, and as was aptly conceptualized by Paul McHugh, Professor of Psychiatry at Johns Hopkins Hospital from 1975 until 2001, Parkinson's disease is closer to being a “triadic disorder,” encompassing motor, cognitive, and psychiatric elements (McHugh, 1989). Even this notion is now outdated, with the triad being accompanied by autonomic, pain, and other non-motor syndromes.

As the older segment of our population grows, cognitive decline and dementia will increase in prevalence, with Alzheimer's disease (AD) as the cause in most cases. Until a cure exists, prevention through the identification and manipulation of modifiable risk factors for dementia, in general, or AD, in particular, will be our only means of reducing dementia prevalence or delaying its onset. Furthermore, it is likely that eventual treatments for AD, when available, will depend on the ability to identify individuals at greatest risk for developing AD. Sleep disturbances are common in later life – roughly half of older adults experience regular insomnia (Ohayon, 2002) and about as many have some degree of sleep-disordered breathing (SDB) (Ancoli-Israel et al., 1991) – and accumulating evidence suggests they may contribute to cognitive decline, at least in part, by promoting the development of AD pathology (Spira et al., 2014). Because they are treatable, sleep disturbances are an important potential target for ongoing study in AD prevention. Moreover, understanding the mechanisms underlying an effect of sleep on subsequent cognitive decline and AD would allow for better identification of opportunities and optimal timing for treatment of sleep disorders, and ultimately perhaps, AD prevention.

With now over 50 million people worldwide with dementia (Prince et al., 2013), there are almost certainly well over 100 million people with cognitive concerns and many of these will attend their health professional keen to know what is going on. We need those without intensive training in this field to be more confident and correct in their diagnosis when such a concerned person turns up. Many simple diagnostic tests have been proposed and some assessed – these include the walk and talk (divided attention) test (those who stop when asked a question while walking may be cognitively impaired) (Lamoth et al., 2011), the clock drawing test (Brodaty and Moore, 1997), the “handbag” sign (those clutching their personal possessions are more likely to be cognitively impaired) and the “hippopotamus sign” (calling the rhinoceros, in those tests that include this, a hippopotamus). Simple screening tests have been extensively validated and are important to the clinician in formulating a diagnosis (Lorentz et al., 2002). The “head-turning” and the “attended with/alone” signs are frequently observed, and many clinicians assessing such individuals would be well aware of them and probably even unknowingly factor them into their diagnosis. In this issue, Pinar Soysal and colleagues (Soysal et al., 2017) have evaluated these signs and, in those older people attending with cognitive concerns, found they had quite good diagnostic value. They were not very specific but showed good sensitivity and negative predictive value. Indeed, at the recent Alzheimer's Association International Conference in London there were several posters evaluating “soft but simple” signs although not all performed as expected – one group found gait actually sped up in those with cognitive impairment that were asked a question.

In this edition of International Psychogeriatrics, Pertrazzuoli et al. (2017) address attitudes to dementia by primary care physicians (PCPs) across a range of European countries. The article focusses on diagnosis, screening instruments and drug treatment, and finds a wide range of approaches to the PCPs’ role in referral for diagnosis and medication prescription. The findings include that PCPs who are allowed to prescribe dementia drugs, engage in higher levels of diagnostic work up, despite all the barriers to identification ably summarized in the paper. Perhaps, this heterogeneity is not random: it may be that roles and responsibilities for PCPs in relation to dementia are in transition.

Consciousness consists of two components: arousal and awareness of the environment and self. Arousal refers to the behavioral continuum that occurs between sleep and wakefulness, while awareness to the content of consciousness (Laureys, 2014). In normal physiological states, with the exception of REM sleep, the level of arousal is positively correlated with awareness (Laureys, 2014) such that arousal is graded and measured by the degree to which it is diminished. This conceptualization appears to have led experts, including the DSM-5, to consider delirium as a condition to not associated with impairments in arousal (Schiff and Plum, 2000, American Psychiatric Association, 2013). However, arousal can be both diminished and heightened, not unlike the performance of an old-fashioned incandescent bulb at different voltages, giving barely sufficient light at low voltages and brightening up unbearably at high voltages (MacIsaac et al., 1999). Delirium is associated with both hypo-arousal and hyper-arousal (Han et al., 2017). A small but significant proportion of delirious older patients (10%; n = 155) in the emergency department in this study had normal arousal at the time of the short arousal assessment (Han et al., 2014).

The paper on predictors of repeat self-harm and suicide by Cheung et al. (2017), which has been chosen by the editorial team as paper of the month for this issue of International Psychogeriatrics, makes a very useful contribution to the study of self-harm and suicide in late life. Of 339 individuals presenting with an index episode of self-harm to one of seven Emergency Departments (EDs) in New Zealand, close to 15% harmed themselves again within one year and for nearly one in six of these 50 people, the repeat episode was fatal. Having alcohol in the blood and already being engaged with mental health services at the time of the index episode both had some utility in predicting the occurrence of a further self-harm episode. While it is encouraging that mental health services look to have been focusing on those who turned out to be at highest risk, clinicians may need to be particularly vigilant when following up individuals who had been drinking alcohol at the time of an initial self-harm presentation. This study also emphasizes the high risk of recurrent self-harm and completed suicide in those older adults who harm themselves and survive the initial episode. It deserves to be widely cited and gives some direction for future research on interventions designed to diminish the recurrence of self-harm in those of our patients who have presented to an ED with an initial self-harm episode.

Most people who work in aged care have a fair idea of what is meant by cognitive impairment or decline, and we have some moderately robust instruments for detecting it and measuring change over time. Frailty is much more difficult to define, but like hard core pornography (Stewart, 1964), many of us “know it when we see it.”

Delirium significantly increases morbidity and mortality in older people, especially those affected by other organic disorders, notably dementia (Siddiqi et al., 2006; Davis et al., 2012; Martins and Fernandes, 2012). Both delirium and dementia are characterized by cognitive decline through disintegration of brain functions, i.e. a “brain failure.” Delirium has been described as an acute brain failure, in contrast to dementia being a chronic brain failure (Berrios, 1981). If we consider any other organ failure, for example that of kidneys, delirium superimposed on dementia resembles acute renal exacerbation superimposed on chronic renal failure. The timely recognition and treatment of acute renal failure can reverse its damaging effects, whereas chronic renal failure necessitates long-term and invasive or costly interventions (i.e. dialysis, kidney transplantation). Similarly, recognizing delirium and providing timely interventions can improve its symptoms to recover brain functions, delay cognitive decline, and alleviate distress and disability.

Older informal caregivers aged 65+ years account for 34% of all carers in the USA (Family Caregivers Alliance, 2016), 22% in England and Wales (Carers UK, 2015), and 24% in Australia (Deloitte Access Economics, 2015). For many older carers, this means looking after their spouse or intimate partner who in many cases has dementia (Donnellan et al., 2015). As the incidence of dementia increases, the need to understand the impact of caring on these intimate relationships becomes more vital, so the experiences of spousal caregivers can be anticipated, validated, and supported. It is also important to understand the gender differences in these care relationships, so that education and services can be tailored to meet the different needs of men and women caregivers. Sexual activity in later life is associated with both mental and physical health (Ganong and Larson, 2011; Anderson, 2013), and is therefore, important to maintain, perhaps even in the context of caring for someone with dementia.

Among the one million suicide deaths worldwide each year, as many as 60% occur in Asia. The World Health Organization (WHO) found higher suicide rates among the elderly in rapidly industrialized Asian countries such as China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, and Singapore, compared to the corresponding rates of recently industrializing Asian countries like Vietnam and Sri Lanka (WHO, 2014). As a case in point, suicide rates in South Korea have been the highest in the world since 2003 and are rising especially among older people (Hong and Knapp, 2014). Suicide attempts and older age are strong predictors of completed suicide (Szanto et al., 2002; Simon et al., 2013) and, as such, are important in guiding our efforts for suicide prevention; however, most epidemiological studies focus on completed suicides across all ages rather than understanding the reasons behind suicide attempts in older populations.