In the past several months American intellectual circles have spawned a new series of challenges to the morality and efficacy of responding to the needs of the poor countries. One of the surprising aspects of these arguments—one which has given considerable satisfaction to the devoted opponents of such aid and even raised eyebrows among the usually uninvolved—is the fact that these challenges have been spawned within the development community, by some who have spent a lifetime advocating help for the poor countries. Unlike earlier challenges which pointed out that much of American aid was used for overt political and military purposes, these new challenges hold that the provision of assistance is in and of itself immoral.

The fate of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) is instructive beyond the borders of Italy. Its relation to democracy and religion may yet provide a pattern for a number of other countries.

As a result of the June regional and administrative elections in Italy the Communist Party vote rose 5.5 percent since the 1972 General Elections. In fact, this was a greater increase in party strength than during all the previous two decades. This puts the Italian Communist Party practically on a par with the Christian Democrats (D.C.), while it gives the PCI control of most of the major cities and regions in Italy.

I begin, with apologies, by mentioning two of my own books; Can American Democracy Survive Cold War? (1963) and The Intelligence Establishment (1970). The titles say much about the development of a debate that promises to be with us for some time.

The first title/question posed the dilemma of an American democracy facing a perceived threat (perceived at least by the foreign policy elite) to national security. An assumed monolithic “world communism” provoked the creation of a vast arsenal of foreign policy instruments, including espionage and covert political operations overseas. Managing mis mammoth security apparatus required highly centralized control. Indeed, at times it required deception, lying, and deep secrecy.

The structure of the Roman Catholic Church is undergoing a fundamental metamorphosis. As in every living organism, such growth is, of course, accompanied by internal difficulty. Peculiar to the Roman Church, however, is that its current experience was occasioned by an Ecumenical Council called to reenforce its internal integrity and prepare it for union with the other Christian churches.

In the decade since Vatican Council II (1962-65) the monolithic image of the Catholic Church has suffered severe damage. In trying to update the Church's awareness of its obligations to the contemporary world the Council revealed painful divergences in doctrinal and disciplinary understanding within the institution that considers itself the parent body of Christianity.

Before I went to Israel in 1973 as a fellow of the Ford Foundation I had heard many words used to describe Israel as a nation. Some of the most frequently used were “neocolonialist,” “expansionist,” “imperialist,” and “racist.” The Israelis were described as “arrogant,” “pushy,” “cold,” and “racist.”

Usually when these terms were tossed around I was in the middle of a heavy “rap” with those of my students who described themselves as of the New Left or with blacks who claimed lo be militant. Invariably my ears perked up, and became keenly attentive when I heard the word “racist.” For years this reaction had been as automatic to me as salivation at the smell of good food, a result of being black in America for over thirty years. As time went on, it became increasingly important for several reasons for me to look into alleged Israeli racism.

Some very old, almost forgotten memories are suddenly flickering across the European scene these days—the Crusades, the Balkans, August, 1914, Islam, Haile Selassie, Persia, the Holy Land, Suez, Ireland, Scotland, Portugal, the islands off Aden in the Red Sea. There are even reports of Chinese submarines stationed in Albania. Albania! This was the heroic little country of early World War II. From Albania in 1799 a young Mehemed-Ali came to Egypt with the Ottoman Sultan's army to try to stop Bonaparte's invasion. Then, having learned something from this experience, Mehemed proceeded with his son Ibrahim to establish the first purely Arab power against Turkey.