¹ Ithaca 1963.

² Rue, John E., Mao Tse-tung In Opposition, 1927–1935 (Stanford 1966), 1Google Scholar.

³ Ibid.,

⁴ Ibid., 5.

⁵ Lindbeck, J. M. H., “Transformations in the Chinese Communist Party,” in Treadgold, Donald W., ed., Soviet and Chinese Communism: Similarities and Differences (Seattle 1967), 78Google Scholar.

⁶ Hong Kong 1966.

⁷ Treadgold, 79.

⁸ Griffith, Samuel B. II, The Chinese People's Liberation Army (New York 1967), 51Google Scholar.

⁹ Wang Chien-min lists them as follows: Chang Ch'in-ch'iu, Chang Wen-t'ien, Ch'en Ch'ang-hao, Ch'en Shao-yū, Ch'en Yüan-tao, Ch'in Pang-hsien, Chu A-ken, Chu Tzu-hsiin, Ho Tzu-shu, Hsia Hsi, Kuo Miao-ken, Li Chu-sheng, Meng Ch'ing-shu, Shen Tse-min, Sheng Ch'ung-liang, Sun Chi-min, Tu Tso-hsiang, Tu Yen, Wang Chia-hsiang, Wang Hsiu, Wang Pao-li, Wang Sheng-jung, Wang Sheng-ti, Wang Yün-ch'eng, Yang Shang-k'un, Yin Chien, Yuan Chia-yüng, and YÜN Yü-jung. Wang Chien-min, Chungkuo kungch'antang shihkao [A History of the Chinese Communist Party] (Taipei 1965), 11, 100.

¹⁰ Tso-liang, Hsiao, Power Relationships Within the Chinese Communist Movement, 1930–34: A Study of Documents (Seattle 1961), 1, 115Google Scholar; see also Wang, 11, 99.

¹¹ According to Ch'en Shao-yü, as quoted by Kuo Hua-lun (Warren Kuo), in Feich'ing Yüehpao (hereafter called FCYP), April 1967, 95, and in Issues and Studies (hereafter called 75), July 1967, 41. See also Hsiao, 1, 115.

¹² Kuomintang, Investigation Section, Fenpeng lihsi chih kungch'antang [The Disintegration of the Communist Party] (1931), as quoted by Kuo in FCYP, July 1966, 111–12, and in IS, October 1966, 46.

¹³ Wang, 11, 99.

¹⁴ “Resolution of the Political Bureau on political discipline” (November 14, 1927), Kuo-wen choupao, v, 3 (January 15, 1928), 5–7, translated by Wittfogel, Karl A. in his “The Legend of ‘Maoism’,” China Quarterly, 11 (April-June 1960), 32–33Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Rue, 8r.

¹⁶ The Fifth Red Army was redesignated the Third Red Army Corps, with P'eng Te-huai remaining as commander.

¹⁷ It was established on February 7, 1930. “Chianghsi ti chungyang Su-ch'ü” [The Central Soviet Area in Kiangsi], Hung-ch'i choupao, xxiv (November 27, 1931), as quoted in Hsiao, I, 170.

¹⁸ Hsiao, I, 98. The A-B League apparently was an underground organization of the Kuomintang in the Communist areas. It was not directed against the Communists who had returned from the Soviet Union and who are referred to in this study as the Bolsheviks. Rather, the A-B League was aimed against all Communists.

¹⁸ See ibid., I, 98–113 and 11, 259–83 for the text of and commentary on several documents concerning the Fut'ien Rebellion.

²⁰ Ibid., I, 150.

²¹ See ibid., I, 108, and 11, 269–73 for “Chungyang chü t'ungkao ti-er-hao: tui Fut'ien shihpien ti chüehi” [Central Bureau Circular Note No. 2: Resolution on the Fut'ien incident].

²² “Chungyang tut Su-ch'ü chihshih hsin” [Directive letter of the Party Central to the Soviet areas], in Hsiao, 1, 159–62, and ii, 382–89.

²³ Ibid.

²⁴ Hsiao, I, 173. There were nine commissariats, as follows:

Foreign Affairs: Wan g Chia-hsiang

Military: Chu Te

Labor: Hsiang Ying

Finance: Teng Tse-hui

Land: Chang T'ing-ch'eng

Education: Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai

Internal Affairs: Chou I-li

Judicial: Chang Kuo-t'ao

Worker-Peasant Investigation: Ho Shu-heng. See Wang, II, 286.

²⁵ Ch'ihfei jantung wenchien huipien [Collection of Communist Reactionary Documents], 11, 449–50, in Hsiao, I, 210–11; and Ku Kuan-chiao, Sanshih-nien lai ti Chung-kung [Thirty Years of the Chinese Communists], 76, in Ch'en, Jerome, Mao and the Chinese Revolution (New York 1967), 176Google Scholar. Ch'en also cites pages 220–21 in Hsiao, but this is incorrect. He may have meant pages 210–11, in which case it would have been more helpful to cite, as Hsiao does, the original source. It should be noted, however, that during the fifth encirclement campaign in 1934, the leadership had second thoughts about the strategy of positional warfare, but it was too late for any change because the initiative had already shifted to the central government troops.

²⁶ Hsiao, I, 220; Ken'ichi, Hatano, Chūgoku kyōsantō shi [History of the Chinese Communist Party] (Tokyo 1961), iv, 271Google Scholar and chart at end of volume.

²⁷ “Mao Tse-t'an t'ungchih ti San-kuo chihje” [Comrade Mao Tse-t'an's enthusiasm for the Romance of Three Kingdoms], Hung-se Chunghua, XCII (July 8, 1933) and Ch'en Shou-ch'ang, “Wei chiach'iang tang tui koming chancheng ti lingtao erh toucheng” [Fight for strengthening the Party's leadership in the revolutionary war], Toucheng, xvi (July 15, 1933), cited by Kuo in FCYP, April 1967, 98–99, and IS, July 1967, 48–49.

²⁸ “Chungkuo kungch'antang chungyang weiyüanhui wei Fuchien shihpien kao ch'uan-kuo minchung” [Statement of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to the people of the entire country on the Fukien incident], cited in Hsiao, 1, 249 and 11, 676. A photocopy of the eleven-point agreement, entitled “Fan-Jih fan-Chiang ti ch'upu hsiehting” [Preliminary Agreement Against Japan and Chiang] is in Hsiao, 11, 676. In a recent article, Jerome Ch'en erroneously lists November 26 as the date of the agreement. See Ch'en, Jerome, “Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference,” The China Quarterly, XL (October-December 1969), 28Google Scholar. I received this article two days before submitting my manuscript for publication and, therefore, did not have sufficient time to comment more fully on Ch'en's article. A few remarks here and in other footnotes must suffice.

²⁹ Many years later, Mao blamed the Bolsheviks for breaking off relations with the rebels in Fukien. He explicitly blamed the action for the collapse of the Central Soviet Area in an interview with Edgar Snow in 1936. See Snow, Edgar, Red Star Over China (New York 1938), 186Google Scholar. He implied the same in “Kuanyü jokan lishih went'i ti chuehi” [Resolution on some historical problems] in Mao Tse-tung hsüanchi (Peking 1964), in, 955–1002, and in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Peking 1965), III, 177–225.

³⁰ Wang, II, 520. Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank (p. 38), and Robert North (p. 164) quoting Chang Kuo-t'ao, say that Chang Wen-t'ien replaced Ch'in Pang-hsien at this plenum. See Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank, A Documentary History of Chinese Communism (Cambridge, Mass. 1952)Google Scholar and North, Robert C., Moscow and Chinese Communists (Stanford, 2nd ed. 1963)Google Scholar. The evidence available to me convinces me that this did not occur until the Tsunyi Conference a year later.

³¹ Kuo, in FCYP, July 1967, 106, and IS, October 1967, 38. The Standing Committee of the Political Bureau consisted of Chang Wen-t'ien, Ch'en Yün, ch'in Pang-hsien, Chou En-lai, and Hsiang Ying. Kuo, ibid.

³² “Chung-hua suweiai kunghokuo chungyang chihhsing weiyüanhui pukao, ti-i-hao” [Proclamation of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic, No. 1], cited in Hsiao, 1, 280–81 and II, 762.

³³ Hung-se Chunghua, No. 148 (February 12, 1934), cited by Kuo in FCYP, July 1967, 114 and IS, October 1967, 52.

³⁴ Hsiao, I, 296–97.

³⁵ Hung-ch'i p'iao-p'iao [The Red Flag Flutters] (Peking 1959), x, 3.

³⁶ Chang-feng, Ch'en, On The Long March With Chairman Mao (Peking 1959), 19Google Scholar.

³⁷ Wales, Nym, Red Dust: Autobiographies of Chinese Communists (Stanford 1952), 67Google Scholar.

³⁸ Hsü Meng-ch'iu was one of the Bolsheviks who by 1937 had lost much of their former influence. By telling an unsuspecting interviewer that Mao took part in die decision, he may have been trying to ingradate himself with Mao.

³⁹ Wang, II, 622; Hsüeh Yüeh, Chiao-fei chiskih [Record of Encircling the Communists] (Taipei 1962), table between pages 14 and 15; Ch'u, Kung, Wo yü Hung-chün [The Red Army and I] (Hong Kong 1954), 405–6Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Kan-chih, Ho, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution (Peking 1959), 265Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Kuo, in FCYP, September 1967, 99, and in IS, January 1968, 44. Also present at the conference was the Comintern adviser Li Te (Otto Braun, alias Albert and Wagner) and W u Hsiu-ch'üan, his interpreter. See “Irrefutable evidence of crime of Wu Hsiuch'üan's betrayal of the Party and the country,” Hung-wei Chan-pao, April 13, 1967; translated in U.S. Consulate-General, Hong Kong, Survey of China Mainland Press, No. 4007 (August 23, 1967), 4.

⁴² Although Hatano lists eleven members in one of his charts, I am inclined to think that membership in the Political Bureau at that time is not precisely known. See Hatano, v, chart at end of volume.

⁴³ Kuo may be in error when he lists the last three men as either members or alternate members of the Central Committee. Kuo, ibid. Ch'en, in “Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference,” 19, says that “Liu Shao-ch'i by all accounts did not take part in the Long March.” (Italics added.) I can think offhand of one source that states that Liu did take part: Chingkangshan Fighting Corps of the Fourth Hospital, Peking, “A Chronicle of Events in the Life of Liu Shao-ch'i” (May 1967), translated in U.S. Consulate-General, Hong Kong, Current Background, No. 834 (August 17, 1967), 3. In the absence of incontrovertible evidence, we must assume that this source is as reliable or unreliable as other sources. The crux of my argument rests with the highly unstable situation at Tsunyi. Leaders came and went throughout their stay in the Tsunyi area; hence it is probable that different lists of participants may all be partly right, depending on when the various eyewitnesses were at or near the conference site.

⁴⁴ They were: Chu Te, Liu Po-ch'eng, Ho K'o-ch'üan, P'eng Te-huai, Yank Shang-k'un, Lin Piao, Nieh Jung-chen, Wang Shou-t'ao, Li Wei-han, and Teng Fa.

⁴⁵ The Political Bureau members were Ch'en Shao-yü (Wang Ming), Chang Kuo-t'ao, Jen Pi-shih, Hsiang Ying, and Wang Chia-hsiang. Three important leaders who were with the First Front Army but are not known to have attended the conference were Yeh Chien-ying, Tung Chen-t'ang, and Lo P'ing-hui; and six who unquestionably did not participate were Ho Lung, Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien, Hsiao K'o, Wang Chen, Ch'en I, and Kung Ch'u.

⁴⁶ Wei K'o-wei (Carl Wei), “Tsunyi huiyi lishih chenhsiang (hsia),” [The truth about the Tsunyi Conference (Part II)] , in FCYP, November 1968, 113, and 75, February 1969, 24.

⁴⁷ Kuo, in FCYP, September 1967, 100–01, and IS, January 1968, 45–47. Kuo's informant, Ch'en Jan, was the director of the central personnel corps for local work in P'eng Te-huai's Third Corps during the Tsunyi Conference. He went under the pseudonym of Kuo Chien.

⁴⁸ Kuo, in FCYP, September 1967, roi, and IS, January 1968, 47–48.

⁴⁹ Rue, 270; Schram, Stuart, Mao Tse-tung (Baltimore 1966), 182Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank, 38.

⁵¹ Hsiao, 159; Swarup, Shanti, A Study of the Chinese Communist Movement1927–1934 (Oxford 1966), 257Google Scholar; Lewis, 22.

⁵² Treadgold, 78; Griffith, 51.

⁵³ Griffith, 51.

⁵⁴ Ch'en, 189.

⁵⁵ Nym Wales, 14.

⁵⁶ Kuan-chiao, Ku, San-shih nien lai ti Chungkung [Thirty Years of the Chinese Communists] (Hong Kong 1955), 77–78Google Scholar. In his “Resolutions of the Tsunyi Conference,” 20, Ch'en repudiates Ku's remark but does not mention his earlier heavy reliance on Ku. But if Ch'en drops Ku as supporting evidence, he is not inclined to reconsider his basic claim, for on p. 36 he refers matter-of-factly to “the election of Mao to the chairmanship of the Politburo” at Tsunyi.

⁵⁷ Kan-chih, Ho, A History of the Modern Chinese Revolution (Peking 1960), 265Google Scholar. Ch'en incorrectly cites pages 260–70.

⁵⁸ Liu Po-ch'eng, “Huiku ch'ang-cheng” [Reminiscing about the Long March], Hsing-huo liao-yuan [A Single Spark Starts a Prairie Fire] (Peking 1960), 5.

⁵⁹ In their efforts to discount Chang Wen-t'ien's importance, some China specialists resort to imprecise language. Stuart Schram, for example, says that although Chang became the new general secretary of the Party, “henceforth the real power belonged to Mao.” Schram, 182. (Italics added).

⁶⁰ Chungkuo kung-nung hung-chun ti-i jangmien chun ch'ang-cheng chi [A Record of the Long March of the First Front Army of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army] (Peking 1958), 464–65 (hereafter cited as Chunghuo hung-nung). Ch'en's unsubstantiated claim that the two armies met in May is probably incorrect (p. 386).

⁶¹ “Ch'uan-Shen Su-ch'ü yü hung-ssu fangmien chün ti chingjen shengli” [The Szechuan-Shensi Soviet area and the Red Fourth Front Army's smashing victories], Toucheng, LXIV (February 21, 1934), cited by Kuo in FCYP, November 1967, 108, and in IS, March 1968, 38.

⁶² Chunghuo kung-nung, 461.

⁶³ Ibid., 435. Ch'en, quoting Agnes Smedley and Edgar Snow, says that the Fourth Front Army had only 50,000 troops at the time of juncture (Ch'en, 193).

⁶⁴ Ch'en, 193.

⁶⁵ Chungkuo kung-nung, 436.

⁶⁶ Liu Po-ch'eng, “Huiku ch'ang-cheng” [Reminiscing about the Long March], Hsing-huo liao-yüan, III, 12.

⁶⁷ Chungkuo kung-nung, 466.

⁶⁸ Kuo, in FCYP, March 1968, 115, and IS, July 1968, 46.

⁶⁹ See Li T'ien-huan, “Tsou-ch'u Ch'ilien shan” [Marching out of the Ch'ilien mountains], Hsing-huo liao-yuan, III, 442.

⁷⁰ Hsin-Hua Jihpao, April 20, 1938; cited by Kuo, in FCYP, November 1968, 101, and IS, February 1969, 32.

⁷¹ Kuo, in FCYP, April 1968, 108, and IS, August 1968, 46–47.

⁷² Kuo, in FCYP, August 1968, 86, and IS, November 1968, 35. Ch'en arrived in Yenan during the last days of October, 1937.

⁷³ The congress would not be held until more than seven years later.

⁷⁴ Who's Who, 79.

⁷⁵ The China Weekly Review, Vol. 75 (July 16, 1938), 238. This source was brought to my attention by Donald Klein. See also Who's Who, 139, 553–54, 587, and 653. Unlike the other six delegates, Chou En-lai was already in Hankow as the CCP representative with the central government. Kuo appears to be in error when, in FCYP, September 1968, 119, and IS, December 1968, 40–41, he lists Ch'en Shao-yü, Ch'in Pang-hsien, Ho K'o-ch'uan, Chou En-lai, Yeh Chien-ying, Teng Ying-ch'ao, and Li K'o-nung.

⁷⁶ ch'upanshe, Jenmin, K'ang-Jih chancheng shihch'i chiehjang ch'ü kai'uang [A Sketch of Liberated Areas During the War Against Japan] (Peking 1953), Map 1Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Ch'en Yün, “How to be a good Communist Party member” (May 30, 1939), in Compton, Boyd, Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1942–44 (Seattle 1952), 96–97Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank, 367.

⁷⁹ These schools were the Central Party School, Yenan University, K'ang Ta, the Lu Hsün Academy, the Natural Science Academy, and the Central Research Institute.

⁸⁰ Schram, 220.

⁸¹ In my Liu Shao-ch'i and “People's War” (Lawrence, Kansas, 1970).

⁸² Ch'en Shao-yū, “San-yüeh chengchih chü huiyi ti tsungchieh” [Summary of the Political Bureau conference in March], cited by Kuo in FCYP, October 1968, 97, and IS, January 1969, 41.

⁸³ Kuo, in FCYP, October 1968, 100, and IS, January 1969, 45.

⁸⁴ Lin Piao was not in actual command of the 115th Division during most of the war. Because he had been wounded early in the war, he spent some time in the Soviet Union for treatment and appeared to have resided widi Mao in Yenan until the end of the war.

⁸⁵ Hsiang Ying had been left behind in die former Central Soviet Area in Kiangsi (see above).

⁸⁶ He became a full member in March of 1949.

⁸⁷ I have no adequate explanation for Li's sensationally precipitous decline in ranking.

⁸⁸ Who's Who, 705. The inclusion of Lin Piao and Teng Hsiao-p'ing may be erroneous because it is generally believed that they were elected to the Political Bureau not until the Fifth Plenum in April of 1955. However, this possible error does not alter the balance between “Yenan” and “non-Yenan” leaders.

⁸⁹ Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank, 422–23.

⁹⁰ Mao was a most prolific writer during the war. Two entire volumes of the four-volume Mao Tse-tung hstianchi [Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung] (Peking 1964) contain sixty-six selections said to have been written between July of 1937 and the Seventh Party Congress in April of 1945.

⁹¹ Brandt, Schwartz, and Fairbank, 422.