The publication in 2000 of the three-volume Cambridge Urban History of Britain presented British urban historians with an ideal opportunity to take stock of the current state of research in their discipline. For Welsh urban historians it raised a number of particularly thorny issues. Whilst it contained some important chapters focused exclusively on the history of Welsh towns, it also identified Wales as one of the most under-researched areas of urban Britain. This special issue, dedicated specifically to Welsh urban history, has been conceived in part as a response to that finding. It also represents the collective efforts of scholars, new and established, whose research on urban Wales was presented at a conference on ‘Understanding Urban Wales’ at the University of Wales Swansea in September 2003. The event demonstrated the existence of a healthy ‘critical mass’ of scholarship, at both postgraduate and postdoctoral level, on Welsh towns and their development.

This article is a case study of the racially mixed, seigniorial borough of Ruthin (modern Denbighshire) in the early fourteenth century. It seeks to explore material inequalities and social aspects of the integration of English and Welsh burgesses in an urban setting. It concludes that whilst a disproportionate quantity of wealth did lie with the borough's English residents, Welsh burgesses enjoyed nearly comprehensive access to the community's wealth-generating and status-affirming activities. And, the behaviour of Ruthin's elites was more strongly dictated by their socioeconomic strata than racial background.

On the basis of an emerging reassessment of the medieval urban experience in southern Wales, this article seeks to challenge the predominant view of Wales as being overwhelmingly rural before the nineteenth century. The study of Welsh towns has been limited by the survival of sources that in other regions have generated a renewed interest in the study of medieval urban society. Employing unusual sources that are available, generalizations are made here from the findings of case studies of two towns, Haverfordwest and Chepstow, in order to contribute to a regional synthesis of the urban experience in southern Wales. From this regional synthesis it will be possible to compare urban society in late medieval southern Wales with other regions in Britain and Europe in order to determine its particular characteristics, and with implications for later developments.

Although early modern Welsh towns were small by European standards, appearing to follow Clark's model for Europe's northern periphery of localized settlements not closely integrated within a wider urban hierarchy, Welsh towns showing greatest expansion were commercial outlets for specialist produce within the wider commercial matrix of southern Britain. Their smallness indicates a role within this wider, integrated network rather than constriction born of isolation.

In this article, the town of Swansea is suggested as an exemplar of pre-nineteenth-century Welsh industrial and urban development. Small in comparison with English towns, Swansea in 1801 had nevertheless risen up the Welsh urban rank-order to stand second only, in terms of population, to the industrial boomtown Merthyr Tydfil. Contemporary descriptions of Swansea as ‘Copperopolis’, ‘the Metropolis of Wales’, ‘the Mecca of Nonconformity’ and ‘the Brighton [or Naples] of Wales’ reflect the range of its functions at this time, and the high regard in which the town was held, both by its inhabitants and by visitors. Such a town inevitably attracted settlers and this article also examines eighteenth-century population change, the scale of immigration and the provenance of the settlers, and attempts to link the influx with the physical development of the town.

This article evaluates the contribution that analysis of local politics and urban elites in the small town can make to urban history in Wales. It is suggested that in the context of the small town, the personality and public persona of the individual, and a discourse emphasizing public service to the town, were as crucial as socio-occupational status in establishing the individual as someone suitable for a position of social leadership. Local politicians were ‘celebrities’ that nevertheless had to negotiate their reciprocal relationship with the electorate and townspeople, and detailed analysis demonstrates the contingency and complexity of local politics in the small town.

In the 1860s mass emigration from Merthyr Tydfil made a major impact on the town's fortunes and developing public sphere. The ‘extraordinary drain’ occasioned much concern and comment and reconfigured ongoing debates about Merthyr's contemporary condition and future survival. In turn, local power struggles, notions of the town's interests and emerging civic consciousness influenced interpretations of the nature, causes and meanings of the outflow. Emigration and the ‘urban’ thus interacted tellingly to help shape contemporary mentalities.

Five separate strands which have gone into the making of urban studies in Wales are identified and reviewed. The need for a broad, interdisciplinary approach, derived from H.J. Dyos, is suggested. The most comprehensive existing work is that of the geographer, Harold Carter, whose massive contribution is briefly outlined and evaluated. A more historical approach, centring on the idea of urbanization, is advocated, with the aim of drawing together the disparate fields of study.

Few – if any - would deny that cartography is one of the most essential disciplines within the multi-layered scope of urban history. Elizabeth Baigent pays tribute to the possibilities and problems posed by maps in her ‘Fact or fiction? Town maps as aids and snares to the historian’, Archives: The J. of the British Records Association, 29, 110 (2004), 24–37. By looking at a map of Gloucester, compiled in 1455, and two late medieval Bristol maps (one by Robert Ricart, the other by William Smith), she outlines their usefulness as well as the problems that the modern urban historian faces. Although medieval maps can clearly help to identify ‘lost’ streets, and to elucidate the town's social geography, it is essential to consider the purpose for which any individual map was drawn, the context in which it was published (and re-published) and not least the skills of the cartographer concerned. Cartography may be an essential tool for the urban historian, but there are many other tools and topics, and this year's medieval urban periodical literature again reflects the wide scope of the subject. This is especially true for the German language periodicals which tend to relate to traditionally powerful concepts rather than to recent departures. This trend largely reflects the nature of those periodicals concerned for they are almost entirely devoted to strictly local, or at most regional concerns. They are naturally home to brief essays on mainly local matters, particularly the commemoration of anniversaries of urban charters (e.g., Paul Wietzorek, ‘Zum Titelbild: 100 Jahre Stadtwappen Zons – 1904–2004’, Der Niederrhein. Die Zeitschrift des Vereins Niederrhein, 71, 1 (2004), 2–5; Paul Wietzorek, ‘Zum Titelbild: 750 Jahre Stadtrechte Grieth 1254–2004’, ibid., 71, 2 (2004), 54–5; Paul Wietzorek, ‘Zum Titelbild: 650 Jahre Stadt Dahlen (Rheindalen) 1354–2004’, ibid., 71, 3 (2004), 114–15), overviews of town histories (e.g. Eberhard Lebender, ‘Die Weizackerstadt Pyritz. Ein Gang durch die Geschichte – von der Bronzezeit bis zur Zerstörung 1945’, Pommern. Zeitschrift für Kultur und Geschichte, 42, 2 (2004), 8–17) and recent archaeological excavations (e.g., Sven Spiong, ‘Archäologische Ausgrabung an der Paderborner Stadtmauer’, Die Warte, 65, 123 (2004), 23–6; Sven Spiong, ‘Den Stiftsherren auf der Spur: Archäologische Ausgrabung nördlich der Busdorfkirche in Paderborn’, ibid., 65, 124 (2004), 9–10). Anna Helena Schubert's ‘Archäologische Untersuchungen im Bereich der “Untersten Stadtmühle” in Olpe’, Heimatstimmen aus dem Kreis Olpe, 75, 3 (2004), 195–202, is another example of local archaeological case studies. Olpe received its urban charter in 1311; in the German context such an urban charter necessarily involved fortification. Schubert is concerned whether the ‘lower mill’ which was situated outside the first urban wall was erected at the same time or at a later date than this wall, yet has to admit that despite extensive archaeological excavation this question has to remain – at least for the time – unanswered. English articles on local excavations are too numerous to be dealt with adequately in this short review. Two examples may suffice: Robert Cowie's ‘The evidence from royal sites in Middle Anglo-Saxon London’, Medieval Archaeology, 48 (2004), 201–8, looks at the evidence for palaces c. 650 – c. 850 that emerged from recent archaeological investigations in the Cripplegate area of the City and at the Treasury in Whitehall. Mary Alexander, Natasha Dodnell and Christopher Evans have published ‘A Roman cemetery in Jesus Lane, Cambridge’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, 93 (2004), 67–94. 32 corpses were unearthed (three of them decapitated), and modest grave goods were found. This cemetery seems to have served a suburban settlement within the lower Roman town. Pottery assemblage indicates industrial activity. The excavation added significantly to our knowledge of the layout and scale of Roman Cambridge. Cambridge clearly remained a significant centre during the fourth century and sustained an economic and commercial role.