¹ Steinschneider, M., ‘Zum Speculum astronomicum des Albertus Magnus,’ Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik 16 (1871) 357–96, esp. 381.Google Scholar

² Haskins, Charles Homer, Studies in the History of Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass. 1927) 336–45; first published in The Romanic Review 5 (1914) 203-12.Google Scholar

³ Van de Vyver, A., ‘Les plus anciennes traductions latines médiévales (x^e-xi^e siècles) de traités d'astronomie et d'astrologie,’ Osiris 1 (1936) 658–91; see especially ‘L'astronomie de Nemrod,’ 684-87. Although Van de Vyver, following Haskins and others, had dated Philippe's Compot at 1119, recent work has proved conclusively that it was written in 1113. See below, n. 90.Google Scholar

⁴ Lemay, Richard, ‘Le Nimrod de l’Enfer de Dante et le Liber Nemroth,' Studi Danteschi 40 (1963) 57–128.Google Scholar

⁵ MS Venice, fol. 3^r-3^v; MS Vatican, fol. 2^r. For the Latin text of this chapter, see Appendix I.Google Scholar

⁶ Fol. 3^v .Google Scholar

⁷ Fol. 3^r .Google Scholar

⁸ The text for the size of the universe and the order of the planets is found in MSS Vatican Pal. lat. 1417 (fols. 3^v-4^r), Venice Marc. lat. VIII.22 (fol. 5^v), Paris BN. lat. 14754 (fol. 203^v), and Oxford Bodl. Lib. Ashmole 191 (fol. 46^r). In the Venice manuscript the text reads: ‘Dico enim quod de oriente usque ad occidentem sunt stadia duo milia milium et sedecim milia. Id sunt cci miriades et sex milia et de celo usque ad celum subtus terram idem numerus, et in dimidio circulo alia pars tanta et dimidia et totus circulus celi tres tantos quantos quantum superius numeravimus. Itaque disponam et dicam que de terra usque ad lunam sunt stadia c milia et xx sex milia; ibi sunt xii miriades et sex milia. Et de luna usque ad solem c milia et xx sex milia, et de sole usque ad martem c milia et xxvi milia, et de marte usque ad mercurium c milia et xxvi milia, et de mercurio usque ad iovem c milia et xxvi milia, et de iove usque ad venerem c milia et xxvi milia, et de venere usque ad saturnum c milia et xxvi milia, et de saturno usque ad celum c milia xx et sex milia. Igitur est summa numeri huius mille milia et octo milia; ibi sunt c miriades et octo milia et enim de una parte celi usque ad alteram ducenti miriades et una miria et vi milia.’ The base figure of 126,000 stades was probably taken from Pliny. In the Historia naturalis 2.19, he states that the distance between the earth and the moon is 126,000 stades, but doubles the distance between the moon and the sun, then triples the distance between the sun and the fixed stars. Censorinus and Martianus Capella also used this figure, which presumably is ultimately derived from Varro. On this probelm, see Stahl, William H., Roman Science. Origins, Development, and Influence to the Later Middle Ages (Madison 1962) 111–12.Google Scholar

⁹ In the first attempt to determine distances in the solar system, Aristarchos of Samos calculated mean distances of the earth to the sun and moon (in Earth diameters) as 180 and 9.5 respectively. Hipparchos adjusted this to 1245 and 33 2/3; Ptolomy's calculations were 605 and 29.5. Nimrod's figures of 252,000 stades and 126,000 stades translate into mean distances of 3 and 1.5 earth diameters. The modern figures are 11,740 and 30. See Pedersen, Olaf and Pihl, Mogens, Early Physics and Astronomy (New York 1974) 54–55.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On these works see Bezold, Carl, Die Schatzhöhle (Leipzig 1883) 1.33–34; Götze, Albrecht, ‘Die Schatzhöhle,’ Sb. Akad. Heidelberg 13 no. 4 (1922) 57-58; Baumstark, Anton, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn 1922) 95-96. The legend of Nimrod and Ioanton entered the West through the Pseudo-Methodian account described below, pp. 213ff.Google Scholar

¹¹ Note also the passage on the pliades (Vat. Pal. lat. 1417, fol. 10^v) which refers to the ‘Greek’ appellation apolpoeton (ἀπò πλ∊íωv?). Haskins (n. 2 above) 342 n. 38.Google Scholar

¹² Venice MS, fol. 3^v; Vatican MS, fol. 2^v: ‘Nam quod ipse dixit quia discurrunt inter signa disposuit Alexander dicens quia iste fortitudines quas ait ipse Nemroth ipse sunt quas exposuit superius,’ and Vatican MS, fol. 10^v; Venice MS, fol. 12^v; Paris MS, fol. 210^v: ‘In quo signo currit luna ut exposuit Alexander.’ On the astronomical tradition of Alexander, see Van de Vyver, (n. 3 above) 666–84.Google Scholar

¹³ Paris MS, fol. 225^v; Venice MS, fol. 27^v . See Bickerman, E. J., Chronology of the Ancient World (London 1968) 71; Taqizadeh, S. H., ‘Various Eras and Calendars Used in the Countries of Islam,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (University of London) 10 (1939) 124-30.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Haskins, (n. 2 above) 342–45.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Van de Vyver, (n. 3 above) 684–85.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The Syriac and Arabic traditions of Nimrod are discussed in de Villard, Ugo Monneret, Le leggende orientali sui magi evangelici, Studi e testi 163 (Rome 1953) 113-24. Dr. David Pingree reports that the name of Nimrod does not occur in astrological or astronomical literature beyond that cited by Haskins. This is confirmed independently by Kennedy, E. S., ‘A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables,’ Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 46 (1956) 123–77.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See above, n. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cumont, F., ‘Astrologica,’ Revue archéologique (1916) 16–22. See also Van de Vyver (n. 3 above) 666-84. Cumont's hypothesis about the early circulation of the Liber Alchandrei has been criticized by José Maria Millas y Vallicrosa in his analysis of BN lat. 17868. See Assaig d'història de les idees físiques i mathemàtiques a Catalunya medieval… (Barcelona 1931) 246-47.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For references to Eastern uses of the date, see n. 13. Giry, Neither A., Manuel de diplomatique (Paris 1894) nor Grotefend, H., Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters (Hannover 1891-98) notes its use in the West.Google Scholar

²⁰ An example of this type of transmission is seen in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek 248, which refers to initium anni Aegyptiorum. Folio 41^v contains several short paragraphs on Easter, including one which begins ‘Si vis scire a Septembrio usque ad Decembrem hoc est ab initio anni Aegyptiorum ….’ See Cordoliani, A., ‘Les manuscrits de comput ecclésiastique de l'Abbaye de Saint Gall du viii^e au xii^e siècle,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique suisse (hereafter RHES) 49 (1955) 161–200, esp. 175.Google Scholar

²¹ Vetus Latina: Genesis 2, ed. Fischer, Boniface (Freiburg 1951-54) 135.Google Scholar

²² De civitate Dei, CCL 48.16.3. Trans. Marcus Dods (New York 1950). ‘Quibus enumeratis reditur tamquam ad caput et dicitur: “Chus autem genuit Nebroth; hic coepit esse gigans super terram. Hic erat gigans venator contra Dominum Deum. Propter hoc dicunt: Sicut Nebroth gigans venator contra Dominum. Et factum est initium regni eius Babylon, Orech, Archad et Chalanne in terra Sennaar. De terra illa exivit Assur et aedificavit Nineven et Roboth civitatem et Chalach et Dasem inter medium Ninevae et Chalach: haec civitas magna.” Iste porro Chus, pater gigantis Nebroth, primus nominatus est in filiis Cham, cuius quinque filii iam fuerant computati et nepotes duo. Sed istum gigantem aut post nepotes suos natos genuit, aut, quod est credibilius, seorsum de illo propter eius eminentiam scriptura locuta est; quando quidem et regnum eius commemoratum est, cuius initium erat illa nobilissima Babylon civitas ….’ In the Quaestionum in Heptateuchum, Quaest. Gen. [CCL 33] 18, Augustine asks why Scripture had not discussed Nimrod with the account of the giants in Genesis 6.4: ‘Quaeritur, quomodo dictum sit de Nebroth: “hic coepit esse gigans super terram,” cum gigantes et antea natos scriptura commemoret. An forte quia post diluvium novitas generis humani reparandi denuo commemoratur, in qua novitate hic coepit esse gigans super terram ?’ Bede recognized that Augustine's discussion was based on a pre-Vulgate translation of the Scriptores: ‘… alia editio habet, “Quasi Nemrod gigans venator contra Dominum.” … Facilis ergo patet intellectus de gigante, quia robustus fuerit venator brutorum animalium, quasi homo potens; sed quasi homo impius contra voluntatem conditoris vitam duxerit superbam.’ In Genesim, CCL 118A.3.10.9.Google Scholar

²³ Later Biblical commentators quoted Jerome's text but continued to attach the term gigans to Nimrod. See, for example, Claude of Turin, Commentarius in Genesim, 2, Genesis 10.8. PL 50.957-58.Google Scholar

²⁴ De civitate Dei, 16.4. Trans. Dods. ‘Babylon quippe interpretatur confusio. Unde colligitur, gigantem illum Nebroth fuisse illius conditiorem, quod superius breviter fuerat intimatum ubi, cum de illo scriptura loqueretur, ait initium regni eius fuisse Babylonem …. ’ Google Scholar

²⁵ Pauli Orosii historiarum adversum paganos libri VII (Leipzig 1889) 2.6.Google Scholar

²⁶ Josephus, , Antiquitates 1.4.2-3.Google Scholar

²⁷ For a discussion of the Pseudo-Clementine literature, see Harnack, Adolf, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius (Leipzig 1958) 1.212-31 and Thorndike, Lynn, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York 1923) 1, chapter 17.Google Scholar

²⁸ Recognitiones 1.30. PG 1.632-33. ‘Septima decima generatione apud Babyloniam Nemrod primus regnavit, urbemque construxit, et inde migravit ad Persas, eosque ignem colere docuit.’ Google Scholar

²⁹ In the Greek version, Zoroaster is identified with Nimrod. Homilies, 9, chapters 4 and 5. PG 1.975-76.Google Scholar

³⁰ Recognitiones 4.27-29. PG 1.734-36. ‘Pro his et aliis nonnullis causis diluvium mundo introductum est, sicut iam in aliis dictum est et dicemus; et omnes qui erant super terras, deleti sunt, excepta Noe familia, qui cum tribus filiis eorumque uxoribus superfuit. Et quibus unus Cham nomine, cuidam ex filiis suis qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magicae artis tradidit disciplinam; hunc gentes quae tunc erant Zoroastrem appellaverunt, admirantes primum magicae artis auctorem, cuius nomine etiam libri super hoc plurimi habentur. Hie ergo astris multum ac frequenter intentus, et volens apud homines videri Deus, velut scintillas quasdam ex stellis producere et hominibus ostentare coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupiensque augere de se huiusmodi opinionem, saepius ista moliebatur usquequo ab ipso daemone, quern importunius frequentabat, igni succensus concremaretur. ’Sed stulti homines qui tunc erant, cum debuissent utique opinionem, quam de eo conceperant abiicere, quippe quam poenali morte eius viderant confutatam, in maius eum extollunt. Exstructo enim sepulcro ad honorem eius, tanquam amicum Dei ac f ulminis ad coelum vehiculo sublevatum, adorare ausi sunt, et quasi vivens astrum colere. Hinc enim et nomen post mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus, appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generation nem Graecae linguae loquela fuerant repleti. Hoc denique exemplo etiam nunc multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tanquam amicos Dei colunt. Hic ergo cum quartadecima generatione coepisset, quintadecima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est, et linguae hominum multipliciter divisae sunt. ‘Inter quos primus magica nihilominus arte quasi corusco ad eum delata, rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quem et ipsum Graeci Ninum vocaverunt, ex cuius nomine Ninive civitas vocabulum sumpsit. Sic ergo diversae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica initium sumpsere. Etenim quoniam difficile erat humanum genus ab amore Dei abstrahi, et ad surda atque exanima simulacra deduci, idcirco excelsioribus usi sunt magi molitionibus, ut astrorum signis ac motibus tanquam coelitus et voluntate Dei delatis, ad suadendos cultus erraticos verterentur. Et eius quem supra diximus indignatione daemonis, cui nimis molestus fuerat conflagrasse, busti cineres, tanquam fulminei ignis reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad Persas, ut ab eis tanquam divinus e coelo lapsus ignis, perpetuis conservaretur excubiis, atque ut coelestis Deus coleretur.’ Google Scholar

³¹ Regarding the Revelationes, see Nau, F., ‘Revelations et legendes: Methodius-Clement-Andronicus,’ Journal Asiatique Ser. 11, 9 (1917) 415–71, who published two Syrian fragments of the text, and Kmosko, Michael, ‘Das Rätsel des Pseudomethodius,’ Byzantion 6 (1931) 273-96, who discussed the most complete form of the original text in Cod. Vat. Syr. 58. See also the introduction to the edition of the Latin text in Sackur, Ernst, Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen (Halle 1898) 1-59, and the preface by Raoul Manselli in the reprint edition (Turin 1963). In 1898, Sackur was unaware of the Syriac text, and suspected that it might have been written in Syria. Paul J. Alexander, using Vatican, cod. Syrus 58, has shown that the text was probably written in Mesopotamia near Tour Shiggar between a.d. 644 and 678. See The Syriac Original of Ps. Methodius‘ Apocalypse,’ Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Orientalists, ed. Sinor, Denis (Ann Arbor, Mich. 1971) 106-107. In a series of recent works, he has also discussed the transmission of the text into Western Europe and its use both in the Middle Ages and in relatively recent times. See ‘Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Works and Motifs. The Legend of the Last Roman Emperor,’ Medievalia et humanistica series 2, 2 (1971) 47-68; ‘Medieval Apocalypses as Historical Sources,’ American Historical Review 73 (1968) 997-1018; and ‘The Diffusion of Byzantine Apocalypses in the Medieval West and the Beginnings of Joachimism,’ Prophecy and Millenarianism: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Reeves (London 1980) 55-106. Google Scholar

³² The ascription of gigantic stature to Nimrod in this Greek text (and its Latin translation) probably resulted from the Septuagint text, which uses γíγáç. See Septuaginta, I: Genesis ed. Wevers, John William (Göttingen 1974) 134–35.Google Scholar

³³ Sackur, (n. 31 above) 63–65: ‘C. autem anno de terciam chiliadam natus est Noe filius secundum ipsius similitudinem et vocavit nomen eius Ionitum. CCC. vero tempore de trium milium annorum dedit Noe donationes filio suo Ionito et dimisit eum in terram Eoam et post obitum Noe DC et XC. anno in eosdem trium milium annorum ascenderunt filii Noe de terra Eoam et aedificaverunt sibi turrem in terra Sennahar, et illuc divise sunt linguae et disperse sunt super faciem totius terrae. Ionitus autem, filius Noe, introivit in Eoam usque ad mare, qui vocatur hiliu chora [ἡλíov χὡα?], id est regio solis, in quo solis ortum fit et habitavit ibidem. Ionitus accipit a Deo donum sapientiae, qui non solum hoc tantum, sed et omnem astronomiae articulum factusque inventor. Ad hunc discedens Nebroth, qui fuit gigans, et eruditus ab eo accipit ab illo consilium, in quibus regnare coepissent. Hi autem Nebroth ex filiis discendebat hiroum [ἡωv?]; qui fuit filius Sem et ipse primus regnavit super terram. DCC vero et XC tertiae chiliadem, quod agebatur trium milium annorum, aedificata et Babillon magna et regnavit in ea Nebroth. Et post haec fecerunt sibi filii Cham regem ex ipsis, cui nomen est Pontipus. Et iam DCCXC et nono anno temporis trium milium, anno tertio regni Nebroth, miserunt viros potentes ex filiis Iapheth, sapientes et artifices arte tectonicam constructores et discenderunt in eoam terram ad Ionitum, filium Noe, et aedificaverunt ei civitatem, quam nuncupaverunt Ionitum iuxta nominis illius noncupationem. Et pax multa erat in regno Ioniti et Nebroth usque in presentem diem.’ Google Scholar

³⁴ For references concerning its use in the Middle Ages, see Sackur, (n. 31 above) 64 n. 1 and Haskins (n. 2 above) 344 n. 46. Regarding the Historia scholastica of Petrus Comestor, see below, page 233.Google Scholar

³⁵ Harnack, (n. 27 above) 1.229-30.Google Scholar

³⁶ Sackur, (n. 31 above) 57.Google Scholar

³⁷ The manuscript is described in Saxl, Fritz, ‘Verzeichnis astrologischer und mythologischer illustrierter Handschriften des lateinischen Mittelalters in römischen Bibliotheken,’ Sb. Akad. Heidelberg 6 no. 6-7 (1915) 30–31.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Van de Vyver, (n. 3 above) 686 n. 140. Chapters 18 and 19 of De utilitate astronomiae have been edited by Bubnov, , Gerberti opera mathematica (Berlin 1899) 138. Neither the Ptolemaic text nor the De utilitate astronomiae is associated with the other manuscripts of the Liber Nimrod. Google Scholar

³⁹ Augustine, , De civitate Dei 18.39.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Haskins, (n. 2 above) 340.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Sudhoff, Karl, ‘Codex medicus Hertensis (Nr. 192),’ Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 10 (1917) 265–313. See also Harless, Woldemar, ‘Ein Recept aus dem ix.-xii. Jahrhundert,’ Alemannia 18 (1890) 138-39 and Steinmeyer, Elias and Sievers, Eduard, Die althochdeutschen Glossen (Berlin 1898) 4.468. In response to our inquiry, Dr. S. Schwann of the Karl Sudhoff Institut für Geschichte der Medizin und Naturwissenschaften (Leipzig) suggests that the manuscript was lost in World War II. Bernhard Bischoff reports that he saw the manuscript in 1930, and Augusto Beccaria included it in his description of medical manuscripts [I codici di medicina del periodo presalernitano (Rome 1956) 208-13]. We thank both Dr. Schwann and Professor Bischoff for their help.Google Scholar

⁴² The text is reproduced from the printed copy in Sudhoff (n. 41 above) 309.Google Scholar

⁴³ Montebaur, J., ‘Studien zur Geschichte der Bibliothek der Abtei S. Eucharius-Mathias in Trier,’ Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde. Supplementheft 26 (Freiburg i. Br. 1931) 111, no. 589.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Reiche, Ranier, Ein rheinisches Schulbuch aus dem 11. Jahrhundert, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 24 (Munich 1976) 86–88, 247-54.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ The notation refers to [MS., folio, line].Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The text is edited by Strecker, K., Poetae latini aevi Carolini 4 (Berlin 1923) 692, as well as by Meersseman, G. G. and Adda, E., Manuale di computo con ritmo mnemotecnico dell' archidiacono Pacifico di Verona († 844) (Padua 1966) 169.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Venturini, Teresa, Ricerche paleografiche intorno all'arcidiacono Pacifico di Verona (Verona 1929) 1–6; Meersseman and Adda 1-5.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Regarding the sighting tube, see Destombe, M., ‘Les instruments scientifiques au moyen âge,’ Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 10 (1966) 43, who notes that the sighting tube is also depicted in a manuscript of Gerbert, De sphaera, Paris BN lat. 7412 fol. 15 (s. xi).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Campana, A., ‘Veronensia,’ in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, Studi e testi 122 (Rome 1946) 2.67-75. On the figure in Vat. lat. 644, see Campana, plate 2; on the figure in Cava 3, see Codex diplomaticus Cavensis , ed. de Aragonia, Bernardus Caietano (Naples 1878) 5.82-83, plate 5. For a more recent description of Cava 3, see Mattei-Cerasoli, L., Codices Cavenis (Cava 1935) 1.17. For the description of Vat. lat. 644, see Vatasso, M. and de'Cavalieri, Franchi, Codices Vaticani latini (Rome 1902) 1.496. Regarding the relationship between Vat. lat. 644 and St. Gall, see Jones, Charles W., Bedae Pseudepigrapha (Ithaca, N.Y. 1939) 25, 62, 69, 109, and Laistner, M. L. W. and King, H. H., A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts (Ithaca, N.Y. 1943) 144.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Concerning this manuscript and illustration, see Meyer von Knonau, G., Lebensbild des heiligen Notker von St. Gallen (Zürich 1877) 17–18, which provides a reproduction of the illustration; Meier, Gabriel, ‘Geschichte der Schule von St. Gallen im Mittelalter,’ Jahrbuch für schweizerische Geschichte 10 (1885) 113; Clark, J. M., The Abbey of St. Gall as a Centre of Literature and Art (Cambridge 1926) 122-23.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Paris BN lat. 14754 fols. 226^v–229^r; Venice Marc. lat. VIII.22 fols. 28^v–31^r. For the content of these chapters, see Appendix III.Google Scholar

⁵² Concerning this manuscript, see McGurk, Patrick, Catalogue of Astrological and Mythological Illuminated Manuscripts of the Latin Middle Ages 4 (London 1966) 64–72.Google Scholar

⁵³ Concerning this manuscript, see Inguanez, M., Codicum Casinensium manuscriptorum catalogus 1 (Monte Cassino 1915) 6–8 and Lowe, E. A., Scriptura Beneventana (Oxford 1929) plate xxiv.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Mohlberg, Leo Cunibert, Katalog der Handschriften der Zentralbibliothek Zürich (Zürich 1951) 1.150-51.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The mathematician and astronomer Pandulf of Monte Cassino, also known as Pandulphus Capuanus, became a monk at Monte Cassino under Abbot Desiderius in the second half of the eleventh century. According to Fabricius, he wrote a computistical work De calculations See Fabricius, Johannes Albertus, Bibliotheca latina mediae et infimae aetatis (Florence 1858; repr. Graz 1962) 5.184; Jöchers, Christian Gottlieb, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon (Hildesheim 1961) 5.1487; and Tiraboschi, Girolamo, Storia della letteratura Italiana (Milan 1833) 1.541-42.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ The manuscript is described in McGurk (n. 52 above) 84-85. See also Valentinelli, J., Bibliotheca manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum (Venice 1871) 4.255.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Regarding this manuscript, see Leonardi, Claudio, ‘I codici di Marziano Capella,’ Aeoum 34 (1960) 445–6; Van de Vyver, (n. 3 above) 685; Delisle, Leopold, Inventaire des manuscrits latins de Saint-Victor,' Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes 30 (1869) 46.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The decoration of manuscripts at Chartres is being studied by François Avril, to whom we owe this information.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ These three chapters were borrowed from Bede, , De natura rerum, ed. Jones, Charles W., CCL 123A chapters 49, 50, 51.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Delisle, Leopold, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1874) 2.527; Biblionomia, no. 53.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Bagliani, Agostino Paravicini, Cardinali di curia e ‘familia’ cardinalizie, Italia Sacra 18-19 (Padua 1972) 138–40.Google Scholar

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⁶³ Black, William Henry, A Descriptive, Analytical and Critical Catalogue of the Manuscripts Bequeathed to the University of Oxford by Elias Ashmole (Oxford 1845) 156. We wish to express our thanks to Dr. B. C. Barker-Benfield for his helpful information on this manuscript.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Libri, Guillaume, Histoire des sciences mathématiques en Italie depuis la Renaissance des lettres (2nd ed. Halle, 1865) 1.231-47, esp. 245. Concerning Raimundus, see Cosenza, Mario Emilio, Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Printers and of Foreign Printers in Italy from the Introduction of the Art of Printing to 1800 (Boston 1968) 513.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Labbe, Philippe, Nova bibliotheca manuscriptorum librorum … (Paris 1653) 250–58, esp. 257.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ MS Vatican, fol. 9^r; MS Venice, fol. 11^v; MS Paris, fol. 209^v .Google Scholar

⁶⁷ MS Venice, fol. 15^r; MS Vatican, fol. 12^r; MS Paris, fol. 213^r .Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Haskins, (n. 2 above) 341.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The inserted chapter is found in MS Venice, fol. 21^r; MS Paris, fol. 219^r .Google Scholar

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⁷¹ Regarding St. Gall 225, which was written at St. Gall in the second half of the eighth century, see Bruckner, A., Scriptura medii aevi helvetica (Geneva 1936) 2.71 and Lowe, E. A., Codices latini antiquiores VII: Switzerland (Oxford 1956) p. 27. A second manuscript of the Revelationes, Bern 611, was written in East France during the eighth century; see Hagen, Herman, Catalogus codicum Bernensium (Bern 1875) 479-83; Lowe, , CLA VII p. 9; Cordoliani, A., ‘Les plus anciens manuscrits de comput ecclésiastique de la bibliothèque de Berne,’ RHES 51 (1957) 101-12.Google Scholar

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⁷³ The commentators discussed below consist of a representative sample of exegetical work on the Genesis account. For an exhaustive examination, see Borst, Arno, Der Turmbau von Babel (Stuttgart 1957-63). The Liber Nimrod apparently was never cited in the commentaries Borst examined, for he learned of the text only in the course of writing the fourth volume, when it was brought to his attention by Mile d'Alverny. See IV 2089.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Commentarius in Genesim, 2, chapter 10.8 and chapter 11.7. PL 50.937-38, 941.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Maurus, Rabanus, Commentarii in Genesim, PL 107.528: ‘… ultra naturam suam coeli alta penetrare contendit, non incongrue diabolo comparetur, qui, cogitatione cordis sui intumescens, super sidera se exaltari voluit, id est, super omnem potestatem angelorum Deo se coaequare disponens, dum dicit: “Ascendam super altitudinem nubium, et ero similis Altissimo” [Isa. 14. 14].’ Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Commentarius in Genesim, 4.43. CCL cont. med. 21.330-31.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Bruno of Asti, Expositio in Genesim 10–11, PL 164.185-86; Damian, Peter, Expositio mystica historiarum libri Genesis, PL 145.841-58.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Historia scholastica, Liber Genesis 37-38. PL 198.1087-89: ‘… et filius Chus Nemrod, qui coepit primus potens esse in terra, et robustus venator hominum coram Domino, id est exstinctor, et oppressor amore dominandi, et cogebat homines ignem adorare; ad hoc exiit proverbium, ad dicendum de aliquo, quod fortis sit et malus: “Quasi Nemrod robustus venator coram Domino.” Hoc ideo diximus, quia Methodius dicit hunc fuisse de filiis Hirom filii Sem. Quare vero primus coeperit dominari ostendit, agens de quodam filio Noe, de quo non egit Moyses, sic dicens : Centesimo anno tertiae chiliadis natus est Noe filius in similitudinem eius, et dixit eam Jonithum. Trecentesimo anno dedit Noe donationes filio suo Jonitho, et dimisit eum in terram Ethan, et intravit eam Jonithus usque ad mare orientis, quod dicitur Elioschora, id est solis regio, hic accepit a Domino donum sapientiae, et invenit astronomiam. Ad quem veniens Nemrod, Gigas decem cubitorum, eruditus est ab eo, et accepit ab eo consilium, in quibus locis regnare coepisset. Jonithus iste futuros quosdam eventus praevidit, et maxime de ortu quatuor regnorum, et occasu eorum per successionem…. Post obitum vero Noe, moventes pedes suos ab Oriente, convenerunt duces in unum, in campum Sennaar, et timentes diluvium, consilio Nemrod volentis regnare, coeperunt aedificare turrim.’ For an illustrated example of this material, see the fourteenth-century Anglo-French illustrated book of Genesis, now Egerton 1894: James, M. R., Illustrations of the Book of Genesis (Oxford 1921) 27–28, 31-32.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Speculum historiale (Strassburg 1473) 2.61-62, 100–102.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Postilla super totam Bibliam (Rome 1471-76) I, fols. 26^v-27^r: ‘Porro Chus genuit Nemroth. Iste fuit qui induxit posteritatem Noe ad faciendum turrim et civitatem contra Deum dicitur sequenti. Circa ideo dicitur ipse coepit esse potens in terra quia per potentiam alios sibi submittebat et nolentes ad opus praedictum compellebat. Ideo sequitur. Et erat robustus venator id est oppressor hominum. Coram Domino quia nihil latet eius aspectum. Ob hoc exivit, proverbium id est verbum commune vel vulgatum quasi Nemroth, etc. Quando enim postea videbatur aliquis oppressor hominum vocabatur alter Nemroth vel similis Nemroth. Fuit autem principium regni eius Babylon. Hoc nomen hie dicitur per anticipationem quia impositum est propter divisionem linguarum.’ Concerning idolatry, Nicholas says (fol. 28^r): ‘Dicunt enim Hebrei quod Thare Idolatra existens accusavit Abraham filium suum ipsi Nemroth eo quod nolebat ignem colere sicut faciebant Chaldei de precepto Nemroth propter quod Abraham de precepto Nemroth projectus est in ignem. Aram autem frater eius assistens dicebat in corde suo: “Si viceret Abraham illesus ab igne sequar eius fidem sin autem colam ignem sicut alii.” Cum ergo Abraham virtute divina illesus liberatetur ab igne quereretur ab Aram de eius cultura. Respondit velle se sequi Abraham; tunc projectus est in ignem et ibi mortuus est quia non fuit tante fidei sicut Abraham …' On Nicholas’ use of Jewish exegesis, see Hailperin, Herman, Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh 1963) 137-264.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Lemay, (n. 4 above) 89.Google Scholar

⁸² In ascensione Domini, Sermo 4. PL 183.311-12. In this second article on the subject, Lemay suggests that Bernard probably never saw the Nimrod text: ‘Le cas de géants,’ Revue des études Italiennes 11 (1965) 273.Google Scholar

⁸³ Didascalicon, ed. Buttimer, Charles Henry (Washington, D.C. 1939) 3.2. Trans. Taylor, Jerome (New York 1961): ‘Dicunt quidam quod Cham filius Noe astronomiam primus invenerit. Chaldaei primum astrologiam docuerunt, secundum nativitatis observantiam. Iosephus autem asseverat Abraham primum instituisse Aegyptios astrologiam. Astronomiam Ptolomaeus rex Aegypti reparavit. Hie etiam canones instituit quibus cursus astrorum invenitur. Aiunt quidam Nemroth gigantem summum fuisse astrologum, sub cuius nomine etiam astronomia invenitur. Graeci dicunt hanc artem ab Atlante prius excogitatam, propter quod etiam caelum sustinuisse fertur.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Haskins, (n. 2 above) 338; Van de Vyver, (n. 3 above) 685, 688.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, ed. Lindsay, W. M. (Oxford 1911) 3.25: ‘Astronomiam primi Aegyptii invenerunt. Astrologiam vero et nativitatis observantiam Chaldaei primi docuerunt. Abraham autem instituisse Aegyptios Astrologiam Iosephus auctor adserverat. Graeci autem dicunt hanc artem ab Atlante prius excogitatam, ideoque dictus est sustinuisse caelum.’ Idem. 3.26: ‘In utraque autem lingua diversorum quidem sunt de astronomia scripta volumina, inter quos tamen Ptolemaeus rex Alexandriae apud Graecos praecipuus habetur: hic etiam et canones instituit, quibus cursus astrorum inveniatur.’ Cassiodorus, Institutiones , ed. Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford 1937) 2.7.3: ‘De astronomia vero disciplina in utraque lingua diversorum quidem sunt scripta volumina; inter quos tamen Ptolomeus apud Graecos praecipuus habetur, qui de hac re duos codices edidit, quorum unum minorem, alterum maiorem vocavit Astronomum. Is etiam canones, quibus cursus astrorum inveniantur, instituit….’ Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pentateuchon, Gen. 11. PL 175.49. ‘Potest etiam dici a Nemroth [turris] factam esse cupidate regnandi. Unde divisis linguis, ipse cum familia sua ibi remansit caeteris recendentibus, et Assur expulso, cui paterno jure contingebat illa mansio, quia erat de Sem majore filio. Assur autem, recedens in terram quae postea ab ipso dicta est Assyria, multiplicatus est usque ad regem Ninum, qui ab eius progenie ortus est. Hic condidit civitatem, et vicit Cham in bello, qui usque ad illud tempus vixerat: factus rex Bactriae Nino vicinus, et vocatus Zoroastes inventor, et auctor maleficae mathematicae artis; qui etiam septem liberales artes quatuordecim columnis, septem aeneis et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque diluvium in utilitatem posterorum praevidens scripsit. Huius libros mathematicae Ninus adeptus victoriam combussit. Post haec audacior factus invasit Nemroth, id est, Chaldeos, et acquisivit Babylonem, transferens illuc caput imperii sui…. ’ Google Scholar

⁸⁷ In addition to Lemay's first article on the subject (n. 4 above), see also Lemay, , ‘Le cas de géants’ (n. 82 above) 266. For another interpretation, see Jacob, E. F., ‘The Giants,’ in Medieval Miscellany Presented to Eugene Vinaver, edd. Whitehead, F. et al. (Manchester 1965) 167-85.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ For example, in Lilienfeld, Stiftsbibliothek 151, fol. 183^v, Nimrod stands with a horn slung from his shoulder, a spear in his right hand, and a leash of dogs held in his left hand. In Vatican, Vat. gr. 746, fol. 60^r, Nimrod is portrayed shooting an arrow at a stag.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ De vulgare eloquentia, 1.74. Nimrod is similarly cast elsewhere in the Comedia: see Purgatory, canto xii, 34-36 and Paradise, canto xxvi, 126. See also Toynbee, Paget, A Dictionary of Proper Names and Notable Matters in the Works of Dante (Oxford 1898) 395–97 and Moore, Edward, ‘Scripture and Classical Authors in Dante,’ Studies in Dante Ser. 1 (Oxford 1896) esp. 73-74.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ The text is edited in Mall, Eduard, Li Cumpoz Philipe de Thaün (Strassburg 1873). An earlier edition and a brief biographical sketch is contained in Popular Treatises on Science Written during the Middle Ages , ed. Wright, Thomas (London 1841). See also Meyer, Paul, ‘Fragment du Comput de Philippe de Thaon,’ Romania 11 (1911) 70-76, Mann, Max, ‘Der Physiologus des Philipp von Thaün und seine Quellen,’ Anglia 7 (1884) 420-68, and Krappe, Alexander H., ‘The Historical Background of Philippe de Thaon's Bestiare,’ Modern Language Review 59 (1944) 325-27. Since 1963 there has been a revival of interest in Philippe's work. Rupert T. Pickens has argued convincingly that the date of the Comput must be 1113 and not 1119 as was previously thought: ‘The Literary Activity of Philippe de Thaün,’ Romance Notes 12 (1970) 208-12. For current biographical information see the following: Dominica Legge, M., Anglo-Norman Literature and its Background (Oxford 1963) 18-26; Legge, , ‘Les origines de l'Anglo-Normand littéraire,’ Revue de linguistique Romane 31 (1967) 44-54; McCulloch, Florence, Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries (Chapel Hill 1970); and Shields, Hugh, ‘Philippe de Thaon, auteur du Livre de Sibylle?’ Romania 85 (1964) 455-77. Pickens has announced a new edition of the Comput to be published by the Anglo-Norman Text Society.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Legge, , Anglo-Norman Literature 21.Google Scholar

⁹² Venice MS fols. 5^v-6^v .Google Scholar

⁹³ Venice MS fol. 6^r. Haskins mentioned the problem only briefly, stating that he could not find the reference to Leo in the text of the Liber Nimrod without observing the relationship between the first citation (ll. 1239-52) and the second (11. 1315-46).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Paris MS fol. 210^r: ‘… dum videris lunam trigesimam vide diligenter quod remanserat minus de lx, facias ex quinque unum et fiunt hore et quod superest, hi sunt puncti; et quod est summa adde super xxviiii et dimidium in die ipsius lune, et considera summam et in ipsa hora vel puncto comitatur luna.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Paris MS fol. 222^r; Venice MS fol. 24^r; Vatican MS fols. 13^v-14^r .Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Paris MS fol. 226^v .Google Scholar

⁹⁷ William of Conches, Philosophicorum et astronomicorum institutionum Guilelmi Hirsaugiensis olim abbatis libri tres (Basel 1531) 30. The work is also found in PL 172 and attributed to Honorius of Autun.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Dronke, Peter, Fabula: Explorations into the Uses of Myth in Medieval Platonism (Leiden 1974) chapter 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Cf. Southern, R. W., ‘Humanism and the School of Chartres,’ in Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford 1970) 61–85 and Dronke, Peter, ‘New Approaches to the School of Chartres,’ Anuario de Estudios Medievales 6 (1969) 117-40. While Southern questioned whether William ever taught at Chartres, Dronke maintains that circumstantial evidence to the contrary is very strong. See also Nikolaus Häring's rebuttal of Southern's position in ‘Chartres and Paris Revisited,’ in Essays in Honour of Anton Charles Pegis, ed. Reginald O'Donnell, J. (Toronto 1974) 268-329, and Southern's further remarks given at the C. H. Haskins Conference (November 1977) now in press. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae , ed. Maass, E. (Berlin 1898) 210-12 (ll. 167-78): ‘Hic [Taurus] dicitur inter astra poni, pro eo quod Europem adduxerit a Phoenice in Cretem (certum est) per medio aequore, sicut Euripides ait in Frixo. pro hac ratione inter inlustrissimis est a love honorificatus. alii quoque aiunt bovem esse, imitatorem Ius. inter astra etiam pro hoc a love honoratum. Tauri quoque frons, quae Subuculae nominantur. idcirco ait Pherecydis Atheniensis mammas esse Liberi patris, quae Dodoniadae sponsae vocabantur.’ See also Martin, Jean, Histoire du texte des Phénomènes d'Aratos (Paris 1956) 37–57.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Hygini Fabulae, ed. Rose, H. I. (Leiden 1933) 178.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Hygini Astronomica, edd. Chatelain, Emile and Legendre, Paul (Paris 1909) 2.21: ‘Taurus hic dicitur inter astra esse constitutus, quod Europam incolumen transvexerit Cretam, ut Euripides dicit: Non nulli cum in bovem sit conversa, ut Iuppiter ei satisfacere videretur, inter sidera constituisse, quod eius prior pars appareat ut tauri, sed reliquum corpus obscurius videatur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Munich, , Staatsbibliothek Clm 10268, fol. 19^a–b. We are indebted to Glenn M. Edwards, who provided a photocopy of the manuscript and a text from his edition now in progress. The text reads: ‘Et cum iste Cham tot et talia cognovisset, optans eandem artem perpetuo conservari ut valeat successoribus sui earn in duabus columpnis constanter scripsit quarum una fuit enea altera vero latericia. Causa est ut quodcumque iudicium advenisset ignis vel aque, iam habens prophetiam finis mundi per aquam et ignem, altera collumpnarum integra permaneret quia si ignis causa aliquo eneam liquifaceret latericia in columis remanet et econverso; quod factum est et hec collumpne sunt hodie in syria, transacte quippe diluvio aquarum. Iste Cham genuit filium nomine Chanaam quern eius pulcritudine dilexit multum. Et ideo ipsum docuit in hac arte quantum plus potuit pervigili cura qui, cum esset iam factus patre subtilior in omni sciencia artium quas pater sciebat amore sapiencie, 30 volumina librorum de artibus divinationis composuit ordinate. Hic genuit filium unum nomine Nemroth quern dilexit ultra modum, et volens quod ipse sit sapiens in eiusdem artibus more condam patris sui Cham discipulos quam plures accepit in domo propria causa filii sui Nemroth et eos cum illo ex omni sciencia earum artium quas noverat dilligenter instruxit. Cum vero iste Chanaan famosus esset scienciarum et ut deus conputaretur populus sue patrie, devenit in grandem guerram qua ordinatum fuit prelium generale. Ipse vero cum quadam die deceptus bello regis Egyptiorum incidens constituto gladio interemptus est et eius patria per illum regem devicta est et omnis libri quos cum grandi labore studii longo tempore conposuerat sunt conbusti eo quod domus eius conbusta est, ut multe aliarum. Post vero mortem eius venit iste Nemroth eiusdem Chanaan quicquid de arte ipse et socii sui noverant in unum coligens examinatione memorie, eandem artem astronomie quam melius potuit reperavit. Unde iste Nemroth quia filius tanti viri et talis loco patris conputatus est deus a multis adoratus est et in questionibus requisitus.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Fol. 19^b .Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Thorndike, Lynn, Michael Scot (London 1965) 27–28, 35-36.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Alberti Magni opera omnia, ed. Borgnet, Augustus (Paris 1898) 10.631. The bibliographic sections of the Speculum are also available in a critical edition in Catalogus codicum astrologorum graecorum , edd. Cumont, Fr. and Boll, Fr. (Brussels 1904) 5, pt. 1, 85-105. See also the new edition of the Speculum, edd. Caroti, Stefano, Pereira, Michela, Zamponi, Stefano, and Zambelli, Paola (Pisa 1977) and the review by James Weisheipl in Isis 69 (1978) 616-18. We are grateful to Father Weisheipl for his help with this question. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Mandonnet, P., ‘Roger Bacon et le Speculum astronomiae,’ Revue néo-scholastique 17 (1910) 313–35 and Siger de Brabant et l'Averroïsme latin au XIII^e siècle (Louvain 1911) 1.244-47.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Thorndike, Lynn, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York 1923) 2.692–719. Van de Walle, B., ‘Roger Bacon et le Speculum astronomiae: Examen critique de cette étude,’ La France Franciscaine 12 (1929) 178-96.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Van de Walle, , 195-96: ‘Le style du Speculum diffère totalement du style de Bacon: en plus, celui-ci n'aurait pas conservé l'anonymat; ce style semble concorder avec la manière d'écrire habituelle d'Albert le Grand.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Geyer, Bernhard, ‘Das Speculum astronomiae kein Werk des Albertus Magnus,’ Münchener theologische Zeitschrift 4 (1953) 95–101.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Thorndike, Lynn, ‘Further Consideration of the Experimenta, Speculum astronomiae, and De secretis mulierum Ascribed to Albertus Magnus,’ Speculum 30 (1955) 413–43, esp. 423-27.Google Scholar

¹¹² See Zambelli, (n. 106 above), together with the review by Father Weisheipl in Isis 69. In Albertus Magnus and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays 1980 ed. Weisheipl, James A. (Toronto 1980), several authors discuss the Speculum without making a firm commitment to Albert or others. See especially Ashley, B. M., ‘St. Albert and the Nature of Natural Science’ (73-102 at 88-89) and Price, B. B., ‘The Physical Astronomy and Astrology of Albertus Magnus’ (155-85 at 179).Google Scholar

¹¹³ Zambelli, Paola, ‘Da Aristotele a Abu Ma'shar, da Richard de Fournival a Guglielmo da Pastrengo,’ Physis 15 (1973) 375–400.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Speculum (n. 106 above) 631b; Biblionomia (n. 60 above) 56.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Speculum 632a; Biblionomia 58. The volume described by the Biblionomia has been identified as item LVI.21 of the 1338 Sorbonne catalogue and Paris BN lat. 16648. See Birkenmajer, Aleksander, Bibljoteka Ryszarda de Fournival, Polska Akademja Umiejetnosci, Wydzial Filologiczny, Rozprawy 60.4 (1922) 59 and Rouse (n. 62 above) 263.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Biblionomia 60. This item is item LVI.15 of the 1338 Sorbonne catalogue and Paris BN lat. 16209. See Birkenmajer 61 and Rouse 263.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Speculum 632b. Note, however, the similarity in super annos Arabum. On this text, see Carmody, F., Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation (Berkeley 1956) 161.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Biblionomia 59.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Speculum 632b. On this text, see Haskins (n. 2 above) 51-52. One further difference between the Speculum and the Biblionomia pertains to the Nimrod text itself. As we have seen, the Biblionomia mentions Hermes in its description, which probably indicates that the volume was a close copy of α; the description in the Speculum omits any reference to him.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Thus, one cannot accept Thorndike (History of Magic 2.709) and Van de Walle's (n. 108 above, 195) theory that the text was probably written before 1256, as well as P. G. Meerssemann's theory that the text was written before 1250. Meerssemann, , Introductio in Opera omnia B. Alberti Magni O.P. (Bruges 1931) 132–38.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Reynolds, L. D., ‘The Medieval Tradition of Seneca's Dialogues,’ Classical Quarterly 62 (1968) 355–72.Google Scholar

¹²² Opus majus, ed. Bridges, J. H. (Oxford 1897) 2.9. Bacon's sources include Josephus, the pseudo-Clementines, Augustine, Petrus Comestor, and Vincent of Beauvais: ‘… et [Josephus] addit, quod Noe et filii eius docuerunt Chaldaeos partes philosophiae, et quod Abraham intravit Aegyptum et docuit Aegyptios. … Et apud Albumazar in maiori introductorio et alibi, et penes aliquos habetur multipliciter, quod Noe et filii eius multiplicaverunt philosophiam; et praecipue Sem praevaluit in hac parte. Deinde post istos fuerunt viri … [Bridges notes a lacuna here.] … Nam quantumcunque volumus strictius computare Zoroastres invenit artes Magicas, secundum Augustinum vicesimo primo de civitate Dei; et secundum omnes auctores hoc vulgatum est; sed hic fuit Cham filius Noe, ut Clemens, libro suo, et magister historiarum, et speculum historiale conscribunt…. Sed priores fuerunt filii Noe et Abraham qui fuerunt periti astronomi, ut Josephus narrat et Isidorus tertio libro, et Clemens libro primo ….’ Google Scholar

¹²³ Compotus Fratri Rogeri in Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi, fasc. 6, ed. Steele, Robert (Oxford 1926) 1–211.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, ed. Brewer, J. S. (London 1859) 393–519.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Florence, , Ashburnham 205, fol. 2^r. The Nimrod citation seems to have been marked off for special use, for in the margin is written ‘Nembrot’ with a nota mark. On Thadeus, see Thorndike (n. 108 above) 3.12-15. The text in Thadeus' commentary continues: ‘Habemus etiam ipsam traditam a Ptolomeo in Almagesti Bonum fuit scire, etc. Item ab Albategni que ea que Ptolomeus dixerat prolixe abreviat competenter ibique corriguntur quaedam que non ex errore Ptolomei sed ex suppositione radicium abrazis dicit accidisse in suo libro Universa, etc. Item habemus eam traditam in parvo almagesti quod quidam vir ex illis duobus libris collegit stilum Euclidis cuius commentum continet utriusque sententiam scilicet Ptolomeus et Albategni et incipit Omnium recte philosophantium, etc.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁶ The text quoted here is from the second edition, Augustini Ricii de motu octaoae sphaerae, opus mathematica atque philosophia plenum … (Paris 1521). On Agrippa and his Italian circle, see Nauert, Charles G. Jr., ‘Agrippa in Renaissance Italy: the Esoteric Tradition,’ Studies in the Renaissance 6 (1959) 195–222 and Nauert, , Agrippa and the Crisis of Renaissance Thought (Urbana, Ill. 1965) esp. 35-54, 131-33. On Ricci, see Thorndike, (n. 108 above) 5.284; Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists , ed. Cosenza, Mario Emilio (Boston 1962) 4.4042-43; Delambre, M., Histoire de l'astronomie du moyen âge (Paris 1819) 377-81; Steinschneider, M., Catalogus librorum hebraeicorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (Berlin 1852-60) 2143-45; and Steinschneider, , Jewish Literature from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Century (New York 1965) 189-90.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ The text is edited in Haskins (n. 2 above) 340.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Nauert (‘Agrippa in Italy’ 210) places him there with Agrippa.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Included in the title of the 1513 edition is the following: ‘Nuper in civitate Casalis … sub divo Gulielmo marchione Montifferati editum.’ Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See above, page 226. On John Dee, see Yates, Frances A., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (New York 1964) 148–50, 187-88, et pas.; Smith, Charlotte Fell, John Dee (London 1909); and James, M. R., Lists of Manuscripts Formerly Owned by Dr. John Dee. Bibliographical Society, Transactions. Supplement no. 1 (Oxford 1921). A full study of John Dee's library is in progress by Andrew Watson.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Speiser, E. A., ‘In Search of Nimrod,’ Eretz-Israel: Archeological, Historical and Geographical Studies 5 (1958) 32. See also Speiser's comments on the Nimrod text in Genesis, The Anchor Bible, 1 (New York 1964) 64-73.Google Scholar

¹³² Dronke, (n. 98 above) chapter 1, esp. 47-55.Google Scholar

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