2. “Fere quicquid in turba prophanae multitudinis agitur comediae quam rei gestae similus est. Militia, inquit, est uita hominis super terram. At, si nostra tempora propheticus spiritus concepisset, diceretur egregie quia comedia est uita hominis super terram, ubi quisque sui oblitus personam exprimit alienam” (III.viii.488d). John of Salisbury, loannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policraticisive De Nugis Curialum et Vestigiis Philosophorum Libri VIII, ed. Webb, Clemens C. I., rep. (Frankfurt am Main: Minerva GMBH, 1965), 1:190Google Scholar. The translation here, as elsewhere (unless otherwise specified), is my own.

3. Many of the notable political and literary figures of Henry's reign were, in fact, products of this particular group of academic institutions, which were located primarily in the major cities of the Loire Valley and which had first risen to prominence at the beginning of the century. John of Salisbury himself, the secretary to two Archbishops of Canterbury, had studied dialectic first at Paris with Peter Abelard and then went on to prepare in grammar and rhetoric at Chartres under William of Conches and Thierry of Chartres.

4. For the English policy of recruiting magistri from the cathedral schools, see: See: Baldwin, John W., “Studium et Regnum: The Penetration of University Personnel into French and English Administration at the Turn of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Revue des Etudes Islamiques 44 (1976): 199–211Google Scholar; and Clanchy, M.T., “Moderni in Education and Government in England,” Speculum 50 (1975): 671–688CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the growth in English literacy during this period and its origins in the courts of Henry II, see Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2d ed. (Oxford and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1993), especially 44–78Google Scholar.

5. Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. and trans. Chibnall, Marjorie (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968–1980), 6:16Google Scholar.

6. Despite repeated injunctions against the lay investiture of bishoprics, in practice kings continued to rely on the services of ecclesiastical ministers, not just for counsel and advice, but for literacy and accounting skills and for managerial expertise. Consequently, royal and episcopal courts overlapped to a great extent, and, throughout the twelfth century, kings steadfastly asserted their right to appoint their own favorites to ecclesiastical positions and to grant benefices for dioceses. For the specific career path that had developed, leading from the cathedral schools through the Church hierarchy to appointments as bishops by the king, see Jaeger, C. Stephen, The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939–1210 (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), especially 21–25Google Scholar.

7. Gellner, Ernest, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), 28Google Scholar. Gellner suggests that standardized and unspecialized disciplines are characteristic primarily of modern industrialized societies, but the educational regimen as he describes it was already fully established by the Middle Ages in Europe as well as in parts of Asia.

8. “Facetus,” ed. Morel-Fatio, A., Romania 15 (1886): 224–235Google Scholar. As Stephen Jaeger notes, the initial success with which this tract was met encouraged multiple imitations and virtually spawned an entire literary genre of its own. See Jaeger, , The Origins of Courtliness, 166Google Scholar. See also Daniel of Beccles, Urbanus Magnus Danielis Becclesiensis, ed. Smyly, J. Gilbart (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co, London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1939)Google Scholar. Smyly also refers to another Facetus, also known as the Parvus Urbanus, beginning with the line: “Cum nihil utilius humane credo saluti.”

9. For an extended treatment of these qualities, see Jaeger, , The Origins of Courtliness, Chapters 1 and 8Google Scholar. On the twelfth-century uses of the Ciceronian quality of ingenium, see Hanning, Robert W., The Individual in Twelfth-Century Romance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977)Google Scholar, especially Chapter 2.

10. Prior to the church reforms of the eleventh century, the monasteries had served as the primary institutions for transmitting classical texts and for training literati to manage royal and comital affairs. The reorganization of monastic life away from secular functions contributed to the emergence of the cathedral schools as centers for a more secular orientation in learning. The schools were not subject to the same ecclesiastical restrictions and were thus able to assume the primary responsibility for training government ministers. Ernst Robert Curtius has suggested that the cathedral schools, capitalizing on the new opportunities for social mobility available to nonmonastic clergy, were instrumental in reviving classical modes of rhetorical instruction. Curtius, , European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Trask, Willard R. (Princeton: Bollingen Series, Princeton University Press, 1953), 76Google Scholar.

11. John of Salisbury mentions these strategies as typical of courtiers jockeying for position. See the first three books of the Policraticus, especially I:2, 4, 5, 6, 8; III:3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14. Alan of Lille makes much the same argument in the De Planctu Naturae. For other examples of these elements in the anticurialist and anticlerical discourses that were just beginning to develop in twelfth-century England, see Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness, Chapter 3.

12. From an early age Henry Plantagenet had studied the basics of Latin grammar under Peter of Saintes, and at Bristol, under the guidance of his uncle Robert of Gloucester, he had learned both literature and manners from an otherwise anonymous Master Matthew. Adelard of Bath and Robert of Cricklade were at various times engaged to tutor him in the natural sciences, and William of Conches, the renowned grammarian at Chartres, completed his training in the trivium subjects and supplied him with a background in ethical philosophy. The depth of his training has been considered extraordinary by comparison to the educational standards of twelfth-century royalty. See Ulrich Broich, “Heinrich II. als Patron der Literature Seiner Zeit,” in Schirmer, Walter F. and Broich, Ulrich, Studien zum literarischen Patronat im England des 12. Jahrhunderts (Köln and Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962), 29–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Warren, W.L., Henry II (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1973), 38–39Google Scholar; Poole, Austin Lane, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta 1087–1216, 2d (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), 161, 243, 321Google Scholar; and Dronke, Peter, “Peter of Blois and Poetry at the Court of Henry II,” Mediaeval Studies 38 (1976): 185–235CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. “Verumtamen apud dominum regem Anglorum quotidiana ejus schola est litteratissimorum conversatio jugis, et discussio quaestionum.” Peter of Blois, Opera, ed. Giles, J.A., (London, 1847–1848), 1:194Google Scholar, cited in Ulrich Broich, “Heinrich II. als Patron der Literature Seiner Zeit,” 30.

14. Modern historians have tended to trace the beginnings of English Common Law back to these measures, and Henry's innovations have generally been regarded with unqualified admiration in light of the later development of English political institutions. See Pollock, Frederick and Maitland, William Frederic, The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I, 2d (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Poole, , From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 385–424Google Scholar; Strayer, Joseph P., Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 77–89Google Scholar; On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 3–56Google Scholar; Painter, Sidney, The Rise of the Feudal Monarchies (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1951), 56–65Google Scholar; Clanchy, , From Memory to Written Record, 62–68Google Scholar; and Warren, , Henry II, 241–396Google Scholar.

15. Turner, Ralph V., Men Raised from the Dust: Administrative Service and Upward Mobility in Angevin England (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), 3Google Scholar.

16. Jaeger cites Orderic Vitalis, Walter Map, Peter of Blois, Nigel Wirecker (de Longchamps), Gerald of Wales, and Herbert of Bosham as English contemporaries of John of Salisbury's who shared many of the same views. See Jaeger, , The Origins of Courtliness, 55Google Scholar.

17. Although the standard English translation by Joseph B. Pike renders the words rei gestae as “real life,” the context clearly demands that the term be viewed in relation to literary genres and here, by virtue of its connection with warfare, the epic. John of Salisbury, Frivolities of Courtiers and Footprints of Philosophers, trans. Pike, Joseph B. (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1938), 171Google Scholar. Because of his own extensive training in the classics, John of Salisbury would undoubtedly have been familiar with epos as the Latin term for epic in Roman Antiquity, and I take it that he was referring here to the distinct tradition of French vernacular epics commonly known as chansons de geste. The type of comedy he refers to, on the other hand, seems to follow the classical patterns prescribed in Terence, which were widely imitated in the latter part of the twelfth century. For the renewed popularity of the Roman comedies in the cathedral schools of the Loire Valley, see Roy, Bruno, “Arnulf of Orleans and the Latin ‘Comedy,’” Speculum 49:2 (April 1974): 258–266CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomson, Ian, “Latin ‘Elegiac Comedy’ of the Twelfth Century,” in Versions of Medieval Comedy, ed. Ruggiers, Paul G. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1977), 51–66Google Scholar; Cohen, Gustave, ed., La “Comédie” Latine en France au XII^e Siècle (Paris: Société d' Édition “Les Belles Lettres,” 1931), 1:xviGoogle Scholar.

18. That the majority of the ministers whom Henry appointed could actually trace their descent to some level of nobility—the knightly class or else the cadet lines of illustrious families—seems to have mattered very little to John: they were all equally tainted as political opportunists intent on overthrowing the existing balance of power for their own personal advantage. See Turner, , Men Raised from the Dust, 2Google Scholar.

19. Although the text here refers to comedies in general, the scheme that John of Salisbury has been following is properly characteristic only of Terence's plays.

20. “Sic et in comediis seruorum calliditate domini deluduntur, praemissis increpationibus rationes suas infirmari permittunt, et tandem se uictos simulant, ut et credulorum senum confirment errorem et de proditionis perfidia gratiam aucupentur, magna satagentes industria ut sic semper decipiant ut numquam possint argui falsitatis; eorum namque ueritas mendacio seruit” (III.v.483d).

21. E.g., John of Salisbury, Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Metalogicon libri IIII, ed. Webb, Clemens C. I. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929)Google Scholar, Prologus, I.16; II.6, 18; III.10; Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, I.10; Gerald of Wales, De Principis Instructione, I.5, 19; II.29; Gemma Ecclesiastica, II.23; Peter of Blois, in his correspondence and in the song “Vacillantis trutine,” quoted and discussed in Peter Dronke, “Peter of Blois and Poetry at the Court of Henry II,” 200–205. The centrality of Terence in the curriculum is further testified by the fact that often he is referred to simply as “comicus,” the comedian, the way Paul is known as the “apostle” or Aristotle as the “peripatetic.”

22. Matthew of Vendôme, Ars Versificatoria, in Faral, Edmond, Les Arts Poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe Siècle: Recherches et Documents sur la Technique Littéraire du Moyen Age (Paris: Librairie Honoré Champion, 1962), 109–193Google Scholar, especially Book I, Sections 42, 53, 83, 84, 95; Book II, Sections 24, 38; Book IV, Sections 12, 48. Davus is the name of a male slave in two of Terence's plays, Andria and Phormio; Pamphilus a lover in Andria; and Thais a courtesan in Eunuchus.

23. As Edmond Faral explains, “Mais ce qui, pour les premiers critiques, était affaire de style est devenu, pour l'école du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle, affaire de dignité sociale: c'est la qualité des personnes, et non plus celle de l'élocution, qui fournit le principe de la classification.” Faral, , Les Art poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe Siècle, 88Google Scholar.

24. In medieval literary theory as well as practice, three distinct genres of humorous writing (narrative, epigrammatic, theatrical) seem to have been collapsed into a single field called commedia as a result of Isidore of Seville's misunderstanding of a passage in Titus Livius (VII, 2). This seventh-century distortion helps to explain why many medieval writers had lost the sense that the plays of Terence and Plautus were specifically designed for the stage while Ovid's works, for instance, would have circulated under an entirely different set of circumstances. There was a tendency, on the whole, to equate dramatic pieces with other forms of narrative. However, as Gustave Cohen has pointed out, John of Salisbury seems to have been aware that comedies were traditionally acted out by groups of actors rather than by a single interpreter in recitation: “And there were certain actors who, by the gesture of their bodies or the art of their words or the inflection in their voice, conveyed real and imaginary stories before an audience, such as you may find in Plautus and Menander and with which the art of our Terence is acquainted.” (“Et quidem histriones erant, qui gestu corporis arteque uerborum et modulatione vocis factas et fictas historias sub aspectu publico referebant, quos apud Plautum inuenis et Menandrum et quibus ars nostri Terentii innotescit.”) John of Salisbury, Policraticus VII, Webb ed., 2:46, cited in Gustave Cohen, ed., La “Comédie” latine en France au XIIe Siècle, 1.ix. For additional evidence of the staged performance of dramatic works in the twelfth-century academic context, see Roy, Bruno, “Arnulf of Orleans and the Latin ‘Comedy,’” 258–266Google Scholar.

25. For composition practices in the twelfth-century schoolroom, see Matthew of Vendôme, Ars Versificatoria; John of Salisbury, Metalogicon, 53–58 (I.xxiv, 853c-856c). For further critical discussion, see Copeland, Rita, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation in the Middle Ages: Academic Traditions and Vernacular Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 151–178CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Murphy, James J., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from St. Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1974), 135–193Google Scholar.

26. These dates were first proposed by Edmond Faral to bracket the period, beginning with Vitalis of Blois' Geta and ending with Geoffrey of Vinsaufs De Clericis et Rustico. By the time that Geoffrey composed the Poetria Nova, the flourishing of the comedies was already well over. See Faral, , “Le Fabliau latin au Moyen Age,” Romania 53 (1924): 321–385CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gustave Cohen has gathered the texts of fifteen of the comedies in Cohen, ed., La “Comédie” Latine en France au XIIe Siècle.

27. Some of these works were to enter into the schools' curriculum almost immediately (e.g., Vitalis of Blois' Geta was already included in Alexander Neckham's list of canonical texts by the end of the twelfth century; see Haskins, Charles Homer, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 20 (1909)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 75ff; cited in Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, 49–50. To supplement his teachings in the Ars Versificatoria, Matthew of Vendôme seems to have composed two of the comedies (Milo and Miles Gloriosus) as pedagogical models for his students, and, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, Geoffrey of Vinsauf supplied the entire text of the De Tribus Socüs in his Poetria Nova, a textbook for students learning the art of poetic composition. The Pamphilus, another of these comedies, was reproduced so often that it has now entered modern vocabularies as the root of the word “pamphlet.” The comedies were especially popular in England, where most of the works are still to be found in manuscript. It is likely that they continued to be taught there throughout the Middle Ages as models of proper Latin usage, and Chaucer himself seems to have assumed a widespread familiarity with the genre, for he makes numerous references to the Pamphilus in both the Canterbury Tales and Troilus & Criseyde.

28. The date of the work can be determined fairly precisely on the basis of an 1170 letter from William's brother, Peter of Blois, acknowledging receipt of the comedy. See Peter of Blois, Epistle 93, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina CCVII, ed. J. P. Migne. The text, which has been edited by Wintzweiler, Marcel, can be found in Cohen, ed., La “Comédie” Latine en France au XIIe Siècle, 1:107–178Google Scholar.

29. Baldwin, John W., “Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215: A Social Perspective,” Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Benson, Robert L. and Constable, Giles with Lanham, Carol D. (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1991), 138–170, 166. In 1203Google Scholar, William of Blois was made Bishop of Lincoln, a post which was to have jurisdiction over masters and scholars at Oxford. See Poole, , From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 239Google Scholar.

30. Peter of Blois, Epistles 34 and 49, Patrologia Latina, CCVII.

31. For the performance of William's tragedy, see Walter Franz Schirmer, “Die kulturelle Rolle des englischen Hofes im 12. Jahrhundert,” in Schirmer and Broich, Studien zum literarischen Patronat im England des 12. Jahrhunderts, 20.

32. For a discussion of how cultural capital is reapplied by modern professionals for controlling economic and political capital, see Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Nice, Richard (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1984)Google Scholar, especially Chapters 1 and 2; The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, ed. Johnson, Randal (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1993)Google Scholar, especially Chapters 1–3; Language & Symbolic Power, ed. Thompson, John B., trans. Raymond, Gino and Adamson, Matthew (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

33. See Kock, Thomas, Comicorum atticorum fragmenta, cited in Faral, “Le Fabliau latin au Moyen Age,” 335Google Scholar. In the twelfth century, Sicily was still a major source of Greek learning for Western Europe, and the preservation there of ancient Greek literature should come as little surprise. The eleventh-century conquest of Sicily by the Normans had created a conduit for the transmission of personnel and of manuscripts into England and France especially.

34. Brief references to Alda appear in Haskins, , The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, 171Google Scholar; Poole, , From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 257Google Scholar; Baldwin, John, The Language of Sex: Five Voices from Northern France around 1200 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 21, 50, 98, 108, 163, 197, 218CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Faral, “Le Fabliau latin au Moyen Age,” 333–347; Wintzweiler, “Alda” in Cohen, ed., La “Comédie” Latine en France au XIIe Siècle, 109–128; Raby, F.J.E., A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934), 2:61–63Google Scholar; Elliott, Alison G., “The Alda by Guillaume de Blois,” Allegorica, 1:1 (Spring 1976): 53–57Google Scholar; and Thomson, Ian, “Latin ‘Elegiac Comedy’ of the Twelfth Century,” Versions of Medieval Comedy, 51–66Google Scholar.

35. Elliott, “The Alda by Guillaume de Blois,” 55.

36. Faral, “Le Fabliau latin au Moyen Age,” 333–347.

37. Classical passages cited in the text of Alda: Horace, Ars poetica, 19–21, 365; Virgil, Aeneid, IV:2, Ovid, Amores, I.8, II.2, 19; Metamorphoses, VIII, 661; Ars amatoria, I.669; Heroides, VI.82.

38. Viz., Chrétien de Troyes, Erec et Enide, v.14.

39. Floris et Liriope by Robert of Blois, discussed in Faral, “Le Fabliau latin au Moyen Age,” 343–346.

40. Sontag, Susan, “Notes on Camp,” Against Interpretation, reprint (New York, NY: Anchor Books, 1986), 275Google Scholar.

41. Inueniet lasciua nimis sibi uerba pudicus

Lector: materie, non mea culpa fuit.

Ne matronaret meretrix in uerba Sabine.

Sunt sua materie reddita uerba sue (vv. 25–28).

42. “Sicut enim accidentia substantiam uestiunt et informant; sic quadam proportione rationis ab adiectiuis substantiua informantur” (Metalogicon I, xiv, 841b).

43. “Ex superficiali ornatu verborum elegantia est in versibus, quando ex verborum festivitate versus contrahit venustatem et sibi gratiorem amicat audientiam. … Siquidem in hoc articulo versificatorem oportet esse expeditum, ne ex penuria ornatus hirsuta verborum aggregatio in metro videatur mendicare” (Ars Versificatoria, II.11).

44. Deleuze, Gilles, Difference and Repetition, trans. Patton, Paul (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1994), 17Google Scholar.

45. Spurius is specifically associated with twelfth-century corruptions in the Church, the simonical practices that allowed unworthy individuals to buy ecclesiastical offices and rise to prominence. In advising Pyrrus on the wisdom of seducing with gifts, he points to the fact that even Jupiter's pope has been able to purchase his position: “Iam nichil a superis gratis datur, omnia magno/Constant, magna breue munera munus emunt./Templa locant etiam superi sua, pontificatum/Vendit pontifici Iuppiter ipse suo” (vv.221–224).

46. Alde non impar sanguine Pyrrus erat.

Equat eos etas et par possessio patrum,

Sed mens dispariat dispar utrinque pares (vv.162–164).

47. “Te patris improbitas non sinit esse probum.

Austeri et duri senis inclementia nostri—

Proh, pudor!—in puero te facit esse senem” (vv.262–264).

48. See, for instance, Duby, Georges, “Youth in Aristocratic Society,” The Chivalrous Society, trans. Postan, Cynthia (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977), 112–122Google Scholar.

49. Scaglione, Aldo, Knights at Court: Courtliness, Chivalry, & Courtesy From Ottonian Germany to the Italian Renaissance (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), 29Google Scholar.

50. “…tanquam non michi sed eis natus sim, et quasi domini sunt et ego seruus, qui nil michi sed eis omnia adquisierim. Paterfamilias in Terencio, qui similes habebat rerum suarum saluatores, ait, ‘Solus meorum sum meus.’” Map, Walter, De Nugis Curialium, ed. and trans. James, M.R., revised by C.N.L. Brooke and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), 22 (I.x)Google Scholar. The passage from Terence that Walter cites comes from Phormio, v.587.

51. Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness, especially Chapters 1, 6, 8, and Conclusion.

52. “Cur ita, fide comes, in molliciem mulieris

Lapsus es, ut diffiteare virum”(vv.67–68)?

53. H. Platelle traces these fashions to the Aquitaine and the Auvergne, and the foreign habits of Eleanor's retainers in England at this time seems to have been the cause for much of the controversy in the circles around Henry II. See Platelle, H., “Le problème du scandale: les nouvelles modes masculines aux XIe et XIIe Siècles,” Revue belge de Philologie et d'Histoire 53 (1975): 1971–1996CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McNamara, Joanne, “The Herrenfrage: The Restructuring of the Gender System, 1050–1150,” in Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages, ed. Lees, Clare (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3–30, especially 8–9Google Scholar.

54. “Diligebam ipsum, et diligo, et semper diligam ex affectu; nec me diligat Deus cum ab ispsius dilectione desistam; gratia namque ejus me perpetuo vindicavit in suum; suumque semper erit, si quid cogito, si quid scribo, si quid sum, si quid valeo, si quid possum. Hinc est quod, quandiu vestra usus sum comitiva, quaelibet dies, in qua domini regis alloquio non fruebar, mihi tristis et nubila videbatur dies; in qua vero suo me dignabatur alloquio, mihi tota tanquam dies nuptialis in gaudio ducebatur.” Peter of Blois, Epistula 14, Patrologia Latina CCVII, Col.45.

55. Non modo Pelides mentitur virginis actus,

Ut sic virginibus se probet esse carum.

Sed male Naturae munus pro munere donat,

Cum sexum lucri vendit amore suum (De Planctu Naturae, Metrum primum, vv.55–58).

56. Baudrillard, Jean, “Simulacra and Simulations,” trans. Foss, Paul, Patton, Paul, and Beitchman, Philip, Selected Writings, ed. Poster, Mark (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 170Google Scholar.

57. Qualiter et quare, quid agat, cur, quando loquatur

Quoue modo, puero sedula monstrat anus. …

Mollit iter, gressus effeminat inque minores

Passus incessum temperat ille suum (vv.407–412).

58. See Matthew of Vendôme, Ars Versificatoria, I.116Google Scholar; Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation in the Middle Ages, 161.

59. Disce quod addidici; mea quod michi sedula nutrix

Tradidit, hoc tecum participare uolo. …

Totam conformes te michi, Pyrrus ait.

Quod faciam, facias et facta meis tua factis

Succurant, uotis sint tua iuncta meis (vv. 437–48).

60. See Ortner, Sherry B., “The Virgin and the State,” in Making Gender: The Politics and Erotics of Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 43–58, especially 54–55Google Scholar.