The bunya pine was given its scientific name Araucaria bidwillii in 1843 by Sir William Hooker, the director of the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew. Hooker named the tree after John Came Bidwill, a colleague who had been in Australia and who provided Hooker with a detailed description of the tree and specimens of a young plant and samples of a branch and nut. Controversy has surrounded the ‘discovery’ and naming of the bunya, not the least that Andrew Petrie was the first to identify the tree and it was tentatively called Pinus petrieana. This controversy is discussed briefly elsewhere in this journal by John Huth. The purpose of this paper is to examine Bidwill's role in identifying the bunya and whether Hooker was justified in his decision to honour Bidwill in the nomenclature.

The Smart State initiative requires both improved education and training, particularly in technical fields, plus entrepreneurship to commercialise new ideas. In this study, we propose an entrepreneurial intentions model as a guide to examine the educational choices and entrepreneurial intentions of first-year University students, focusing on the effect of role models. A survey of over 1000 first-year University students revealed that the most enterprising students were choosing to study in the disciplines of information technology and business, economics and law, or selecting dual degree programs that include business. The role models most often identified for their choice of field of study were parents, followed by teachers and peers, with females identifying more role models than males. For entrepreneurship, students' role models were parents and peers, followed by famous persons and teachers. Males and females identified similar numbers of role models, but males found starting a business more desirable and more feasible, and reported higher entrepreneurial intention. The implications of these findings for Smart State policy are discussed.

Several things have inspired me to interview the editors of two of Queensland's free gay and lesbian newspapers, Queensland Pride and QNews. First, both newspapers are in transition in 2004. QNews has appointed Australia's first female editor of a broad-spectrum gay community paper. QNews also seemed to be significantly altering the content of its fortnightly publication. At the same time, in an unrelated move, Queensland Pride has shifted from a fortnightly newspaper to a monthly magazine format and included a lesbian-specific section, the L-Pages.

The bunya pine (Araucaria bidwillii Hook) is one of the most interesting species of the family Araucariaceae, a typical Southern Hemisphere conifer (Table 1) family that includes three living genera: Araucaria de Jussieu, Agathis Salisbury and the recently described genus Wollemia Jones, Hill and Allen. Araucaria bidwillii is traditionally classified in the Section Bunya of genus Araucaria. In addition to the section Bunya, there are three more sections in the genus Araucaria: Eutacta Endlicher and Intermedia White from Australasia, and Araucaria (=Columbea) Wilde and Eames from South America.

Brisbane was wiped off the face of the Earth and Queensland ceased to exist as a political entity under the combined military forces of Victoria and New South Wales during violent conflict at the end of the twentieth century. Brisbane was annihilated because of the un-Christian sins of its people, and the moral corruption of its leaders. The Queensland Defence Force was incapable of defending even itself, let alone defeating the invading troops. The pivotal event in this collapse concerned the alluring performances by a group of ‘lady parachutists’ who entertained the Queensland military forces, thereby distracting them and allowing the opposing forces to easily defeat them at the Battle of Fort Lytton.

That, at least, is the key to the plot of Dr Thomas Pennington Lucas's 1894 dystopian novel The Ruins of Brisbane in the Year 2000. The origin of this ‘lady parachutists’ myth, and the connections between this myth and the end of Queensland civilisation, led me to research a fascinating episode in Queensland's cultural history, and in particular Victorian notions of sexual propriety, ‘true manhood’ and the combined — albeit veiled — threats posed by unfettered female sexuality and male masturbation.

The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.

Chinese-run stores were a vital part of the regional communities that developed throughout Australia in the nineteenth century. Functioning variously as supply stores, post offices, banks, cook-shops, hotels and hiring depots, they helped to maintain links between regional areas and metropolitan centres, connecting local businesses to overseas markets. Chinese immigrants were a dominant part of this retail trade across the country. By 1901, there were 800 people of Chinese descent working in Queensland shops, while the South Australian census listed 400 Chinese shopkeepers for the same year.

In 1987, years of frustration with Queensland's sexually repressive culture compelled a homosexual man named Cliff Williams to write to the national gay magazine OutRage. Williams outlined a number of the difficulties he faced being gay in Queensland and ended his letter with the exclamation, ‘To hell with homophobic Queensland!’ This exclamation captures many of the tensions in Queensland in the 1970s and 1980s. While these decades were a time of immense political change for gay and lesbian Australians, Queensland's political culture was particularly resistant to the gay and lesbian rights movement.

The clustering of book culture in rural locales around the world is a growing phenomenon. Creative and cultural activity in these bookish communities enhances social capital, and their book-based economies contribute to sustainability. Maleny, in South-East Queensland's Sunshine Coast hinterland, has long been recognised as a centre for books, readers and writers. It is the home of two writers’ festivals, Outspoken and Maleny Celebration of Books. The community attracts city dwellers, and those who like to escape to the Blackall Ranges for relaxation, as well as people who choose to live a ‘slow’ life in the area. Onyx (2005) identified high levels of social capital. In this article, I consider the potential of Maleny to position itself as a ‘book town’. However, my findings confirm that, despite the community's reputation as a place of cultural consumption, prosperity is a hindrance to book town development.

The history of prefabrication in settler Australia is incomplete. The use of prefabricated and transportable buildings in existing Australian architectural histories focuses on colonial importation from Britain, Asia, America and New Zealand. This article, however, argues for a more diverse and local history of prefabrication — one that considers Indigenous people’s use of prefabrication and draws on archaeological research of abandoned military ventures, revealing an Australian-made, colonial prefabricated building industry that existed for over 40 years, from the 1800s to the 1840s. A more inclusive architectural history of prefabrication is considered in relation to a case study of the first European house erected in Moreton Bay at the British penal outpost of Red Cliffe Point (1824–25), a settlement established partly to contribute to British territory-marking on Australia’s distant coastlines. While existing histories prioritise transportability and ease of assembly as features of prefabricated buildings, this research has found that ease of disassembly, relocation and recycling of building components is a key feature of prefabrication in early abandoned British military garrisons.

In the centre of the old city of South Brisbane, at the intersection of its two main streets, Stanley and Vulture, one finds a small, triangular park. Its most obvious feature is the grand set of stairs leading up from Stanley Street, near the Ship Inn Hotel. These stairs have a commanding presence, inviting the walker to ascend to an imposing edifice, but at the top they simply end. Part-way up, a couple of metres above street level, a pedestal, 2 metres high and 2.5 metres across, draws the eye upwards; it should be supporting an iconic statue, perhaps 3 or 4 metres high, but there is nothing. I've lived in the South Brisbane area for most of the past 40 years, and the mystery of the grand stairs and empty pedestal of South Brisbane Memorial Park has long puzzled me. What is this park memorialising? If a war, then which war, and why is it not known as South Brisbane War Memorial Park? These are some of the questions my research sought to uncover.

World Expo ‘88, also widely known as ‘Expo '88’ and locally simply as ‘Expo’, was held in Brisbane from April to October 1988, as a key event of the national Bicentennial celebrations commemorating the 200 years of European settlement of Australia. Other major components of the Bicentennial year – such as the symbolic re-enactment of the voyage of the First Fleet that culminated in the Parade of Tall Ships sailing into Sydney Harbour on Australia Day – together with other significant national events such as the 1956 and 2000 Olympic Games, have generated historically focused interest, which has been manifested and disseminated in the usual way in articles, books and museum exhibitions. Brisbane's World Expo '88, however, appears to be one of the few Australian so-called ‘signature’ events that has also generated its own long-lived series of commemorative memorials and festivals.

The literary production of women in Queensland from Separation to World War II records and reflects on various aspects of colonial life and Australian nationhood in a period when white women's participation in public life and letters was steadily increasing. Unease with the colonial experience underpins many of the key themes of this body of work: the difficulty of finding a literary voice in a new land, a conflicted sense ofplace, the linking of masculinity with violence, and the promotion of racial purity. This chapter will explore how white women writers – for there were no published Indigenous women writers in this era – responded to the conditions of living and writing in Queensland prior to the social and cultural changes initiated by World War II.

What are some strategies for preparing adults as allies to young people striving for social justice in metropolitan areas that are becoming more segregated and more diverse? This question is especially important at a time when young people are aware of segregation, and want to communicate and collaborate with others who are different from themselves, across the boundaries that segregate them. Some adults successfully support and engage with youth as adult allies. Many adults are, however, conditioned to position youth in secondary roles, and would benefit from more information about how to successfully engage with young people as allies. This article analyses the efforts of adults like these, drawing upon work in metropolitan Detroit, an area that is among the most segregated in the United States, and that also has small pockets of diversity. It views adults as allies in their broader context, identifies exemplars of practice and discusses the lessons learned from empirically based practice.

In 1993, Queensland's Local Government Act was revised for the first time since 1936. This paper is born of a realisation, based on research sponsored by the Local Government Association of Queensland, that much less is known and understood about the development of local government in Queensland than we have previously believed. The consequences of this are particularly serious at present, because important changes are currently being made to local government features on the basis of a very imperfect understanding of the role, operation and significance of those features. In this paper, I deal with an important aspect of the territorial dimension of local government, and point to the contemporary significance of a deeper appreciation of the development of local government from the territorial perspective.

The last decade of the twentieth century has seen some highly significant symbolic advances for Indigenous people in Australia and Canada representing golden opportunities for their respective governments to advance the reconciliation process. But the political will to capitalise on them has varied enormously. This paper focuses on two case studies drawn from Australia and Canada which look at Indigenous people's continuing struggle for land rights.

Queensland politics during the first decade after Federation is a subject which has received little attention from historians and political scientists. In general, they have shown a marked lack of enthusiasm for the era, preferring to rush on to the period after 1915 — the year in which Queensland Labor formed its first viable, long-term government. In this essay, I propose to show that the 1900s was in fact an important turning point in Queensland history. I will show how the almost exclusively developmental political culture of Queensland was successfully challenged by Liberal and Labor parliamentary forces when the Philp government (1899–1903) could not respond adequately to the problems of Federation and domestic recession. I shall also demonstrate that the tentative steps towards social intervention made by Queensland governments during 1903–15 reflected a significant change in political attitudes within a parliament which had traditionally concentrated on supporting capitalist-orientated development. The moderate electoral, industrial and education reforms offered during the 1900s paved the way for the more radical state interventions offered by subsequent Labor administrations between 1915 and 1957.

The rise of ethnic nationalism (as expressed by the political ascent of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party) has created divisions within the Right of Australian politics and impediments to a privatisation program which had been proceeding under the aegis of the Labor Party and the Liberal-National Party Coalition over the last fifteen years. This paper focuses on how Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party has opposed privatisation of government assets on the basis that privatisation offers opportunities for subversive foreign capital to weaken national solidarity, which is conceived in ethnic and racial terms. The One Nation Party, this new anti-privatisation movement, is interpreted on two levels:

1. 1 as one of a growing number of ethnic nationalist movements across the globe which are recurrent outcomes of hegemonic decline and increasing multipolarity in the world-system (e.g., the current situation of declining American hegemony being similar to the crisis of British hegemony in the interwar period of the early twentieth century)

2. 2 as the outcome of neo-liberal policies (including privatisation) which have failed to produce full employment or to arrest the decline of the petite bourgeoisie, which forms the primary basis of the support for Hanson and her One Nation party.

This paper presents a case study of the initial planning and implementation of an emerging e-model, community portals, in a regional Queensland community, focusing on the adoption of this model by the two key stakeholder groups of businesses and consumers. Our study was undertaken in two stages: an initial exploratory stage utilising depth interviews with businesses and focus groups of consumers to identify key reasons for participation, followed by a survey of all businesses and households in the region. Two key implications for successful planning and implementation of regional community portals include the need to focus on not only the establishment and start up phase of the portal but also on the longer term growth and development of the portal and secondly, the importance of considering and addressing the needs of all stakeholder groups at initial planning and implementation phases, rather than focussing on one stakeholder group. Overall the results question the viability of regional community portals if they are to be self-funding, hence necessitating a commercial focus.